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    Title: 從"一個中國"政策看海峽兩岸關係之演進
    Other Titles: Studying the evolution of cross-strait relations from the perspective of "one China" policy
    Authors: 梁升銘;Liang, Shengming
    Contributors: 淡江大學國際事務與戰略研究所碩士班
    李大中;Li, Da-Jung
    Keywords: 一個中國;兩岸關係;One China;Cross-strait Relations
    Date: 2012
    Issue Date: 2013-04-13 10:33:33 (UTC+8)
    Abstract: 一九四九年,由蔣介石所率領之中華民國政府正式播遷臺灣、中華人民共和國也在毛澤東的宣告下在北京正式成立,在美國接續的軍事或政治介入下,兩岸政府開啟了「一個中國」的競逐歷程。

    出於維護己身的法統地位,兩位蔣總統對「一個中國」抱持著堅定不移的信念;李登輝接任之後,著重於追求、確立臺灣(中華民國)的主權地位,雖然未明言揚棄「一個中國」的立場、並在總統府內設置國家統一委員會推動相關的政策,但也陸續提出「一國兩府」、「一國兩體(政治實體)」與「一國兩區」的主張,在任期末尾並表態認為兩岸間為「特殊國與國關係」(兩國論);即至政黨輪替、陳水扁上台,將「一個中國」定位為「未來的討論議題」、令國統會的運作陷入停滯乃至終止,其後又提出「一邊一國」與「四要一沒有」的說法並推動相關議題的公民投票,逐步朝臺灣獨立的方向邁進;二○○八年、第二次政黨輪替,馬英九以「承認『九二共識』、認同『一個中國』」作為推動大陸(中國)政策的基調、依據《中華民國憲法》與《中華民國憲法增修條文》第十一條之規定解釋「一國兩區」的內涵,在黨內要員積極穿針引線的協助下,兩岸關係急速升溫,但對敏感的政治議題(統一問題)則是先行予以擱置。

    相較於臺北的一連串轉變,北京對「一中」的堅持並未出現明顯的變化,僅是其定義上從「臺灣是中國的一部份」(舊三段論)、「大陸和臺灣同屬於一個中國」(新三段論)到近日的「只要承認『一中』,什麼都可以談」,輔以九二會談期間「不討論其內涵」的主張,整體視之似有微幅寬鬆的趨勢;此外,在鄧小平提出「一國兩制」、將臺灣定位為特別行政區的方針後,往後歷任領導人大抵均予以沿用。

    外部的影響因素則是以美國為要。從國共兩黨發生內戰以來,不論是軍援、調停、傳話或促談,美國始終在國民黨與共產黨間扮演重要的角色,也在兩岸關係的演進過程中佔有不可或缺的席位。

    本文之重點在於從政治領域之角度、以整個「一中」問題之產生與變化過程作為主軸探討兩岸關係的演進,過程中另輔以經貿、軍事等相關事件之變化進行跨時期之研析。
    In 1949, the Republic of China government moved to Taiwan, and the People''s Republic of China was formally established. Since then, the governments of two sides of Taiwan strait started the competitive process of "one China".

    In order to maintain the orthodox position, Chiang Kai-Shek and Chiang Ching-Kuo firmly hold the "one China" position. After Lee Teng-Hui took over, he focused on the pursuit and establishment of the sovereign status of Taiwan, although did not clearly express that giving up the "one China" position, and set up National Unification Council to promote related policies in the presidential palace, but Lee also introduced the "one country, two governments", "one country, two entities (political entities) " and" one country, two districts" claims, and expressed that the relation between the two sides is "special state-to-state relations" (two-state theory). After the change of ruling party, ruled by Chen Shui-Bian, he positioned the "one China" as a topic which may discussed in the future and terminated the operation of National Unification Council, then put forward the "one country on each side" and "four yes one no" statements and to promoted referendum related to the issues, gradually forwarded toward the direction of Taiwan independence. 2008, the second change of ruling party occurred, Ma Ying-Jeou advocated to "recognize the ’1992 consensus’ and ’one China’ "as the basic of promoting the Mainland (China) Policy, and explaining the connotation of "one country, two zone" in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution of the Republic of China and Article 11 of the Constitution of the Republic of China Additional Articles; moreover, assisted by the senior staffs within the party, Ma made a substantial increase in the pace of development of cross-strait relations but set aside the sensitive political (unifying) issues.

    Comparing to the changes of Taipei, Beijing did not show significant change on the insistence of "one China", merely presents a gradual relaxation on the evolution of recognition of the status of Taiwan; furthermore, after Deng Xiao-Ping put forward the "one country, two systems" policy and delimited Taiwan as a Special administrative region, the policy orientation remained unanimous by Chinese leaders until today.

    The United States’ influence is the most important external factors. In the competitive process of Kuomintang and the Communists, the United States has always played an important role by various means.

    The feature of this article is studying the evolution of cross-strait relations within the core issue of "one China", carrying on a inter-temporal analysis through supplemented by changes in the economy, trade, military and other related events.
    Appears in Collections:[國際事務與戰略研究所] 學位論文

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