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    Title: 蔡英文擔任民進黨主席時期之中國政策研究(2008-2012)
    Other Titles: The research of China policy during the period of Tsai Ing-Wen served as Democratic Progressive Party chairman (2008-2012)
    Authors: 鍾鎮宇;Chung, Chen-Yu
    Contributors: 淡江大學中國大陸研究所碩士在職專班
    張五岳;張仕賢;Chang, Wu-Yueh;Chang, Shih-Hsien
    Keywords: 台灣共識;和而不同;和而求同;兩岸關係;四不一沒有;九二共識;兩國論;Taiwan Consensus;Harmony but not sameness;and while seeking common ground;Cross-straits Relations;Four noes and one without;1992 Consensus;Special State-to-State Theory
    Date: 2013
    Issue Date: 2013-04-13 10:32:05 (UTC+8)
    Abstract: 民進黨是目前台灣最大的在野黨,於1986年成立,從創立至執政,期間歷經14年的成長與蛻變。在2000年拿到執政權,2008年又歷經政黨輪替淪為在野黨,在台灣的民主政治下,政黨輪替應該會是一個常態,一個成立14年就能拿到執政權的年輕政黨,其中歷經的政黨政策與歷屆黨主席的執政方向,民進黨的黨職及公職也是透過黨內民主所產生,是台灣第一個推行黨內民主的政黨,民進黨的初選制度也是台灣第一個推動黨員投票與民意調查推選出政黨提名的候選人。

    年輕創新與本土草根性是民進黨的特色,由地方到中央的組織架構讓所有中下階層都有機會參與政治的政黨,並在2000總統大選擊敗年執政多年的國民黨,相信民主進步黨是能夠改變台灣未來的一個政黨,從而在平等互惠下創造全新的兩岸關係。民進黨是一個台灣本土的政黨,早期爭人權及參政權,第二階段顧台灣護主權,到第三階段爭取社會的公平正義以及福利教育資源的平等,當然在兩岸議題上與國民黨有著不同的見解。
    本文想探討民進黨自1988年李登輝繼任總統後,至一位政壇新星蔡英文出現在對陸政策上的演變。在兩岸軍事對立的年代,雙方互不往來,幾乎無任何互動產生,因此在台灣方面無制定大陸政策之需要性,惟中共不斷對台灣實施統戰策略,台灣方面曾被動做過部分「大陸政策」,如「三民主義統一中國」及「不接觸、不談判、不妥協」之「三不政策」等,但亦僅止於口號上的宣示;1987年台灣開放大陸探親後,兩岸展開熱烈交流,台灣方面在制定「大陸政策」上,由被動的應對轉為積極面對,雖然兩岸關係有著一百八十度的轉變,但往往因為執政者的主客觀因素影響,使兩岸關係一直處於「官冷民熱」的現象。尤其李登輝執政後期的「特殊國與國」等諸多爭議性議題,迫使中共官方片面中斷兩岸協商;另一方面,中共對於陳水扁及民進黨台獨論述的疑慮,造成陳水扁主政下的兩岸關係,官方管道始終無法恢復,但雙方民間交流,並未因官方管道中斷而有所停滯,反而更加緊密、頻繁,因此一股來自民間的力量,促使執政者的大陸政策方針制定,越發顯得重要。陳水扁執政期間,同時在國際上受到美國與中共的牽制,又必須面臨國內在野黨的箝制情況下,大陸政策如何產生,而「國內因素」是否正是影響台灣大陸政策的最主要因素,亦值得深入探討。

    民進黨在2008年歷經政黨輪替淪為在野黨後,民進黨有可能又再次成為執政黨,然而不論那一黨執政,中國政策都是各黨所必須積極面對的重要議題,不論是執政黨或在野黨任何論點或政策的形成,相當程度都會受到當時時空環境背景的影響,中國政策更是如此,並且直接影響到兩岸的關係。然而中國一向對民進黨的中國政策多有疑慮,但是面對民進黨的再次執政,卻也不得不去正視,畢竟台灣是一個民主的國家,經由民主選舉產生的政黨輪替,是先進民主國家的常態,而蔡英文從學者轉變成為民進黨的黨主席,在2008-2012年擔任民進黨主席任內提出的“十年政綱”及其中國政策的形成與走向,也將直接或間接影響國家發展,職此,如何深入瞭解民進黨於政黨輪替後的中國政策,期望能夠在尋求探討民進黨如何在兩岸關係中發展和平穩定的雙邊關係有所助益。
    Democratic Progressive Party established in 1986 is the largest opposition party in Taiwan, from establishing to coming into power total 14 years in growth and transition; held the reins of government in 2000 and lost power by the party alternation in 2008. Under the effect of democratic politics, the party alternation in Taiwan shall be evolved into normality. DDP, as a young political party, has gone through various policy processes and party leaders’ policy decisions, even the party members who served in DDP or public office are elected by a democratic manner that makes DDP become the first political party to carry out the inner-Party democracy, much more the system of the primary election to nominate candidates through party members’ vote and opinion polls.
    The young, innovative, and local root is DDP’s characteristic; from local to central organization structure have all middle and lower ranks obtain an equal chance to join the political affairs. DDP defeated the many-year ruling Nationalist Party (or Kuomintang; hereinafter referred to as KMT) during the presidential election held in 2000. It is believed, DDP is a party can change the future of Taiwan, and create a brand-new cross-Straits relations under an equal and reciprocal circumstance. This local party in its early stage was striving for human and suffrage rights, then, from the secondary stage to the third, for social justice, rightfulness, welfare, and equality of educational resources. As to the cross-Straits issue, of course, there is a different from KMT in cognition.
    This essay is to explore the evolvement in respect of the policy toward Mainland China occurred in a period from Lee Deng-Hui succeeded to presidential office in 1988 to emergence of the politically new star--- Tsai Ying-Wen. In an era of military confrontation, both sides cut down the communication and had nearly no reciprocation each other, hence, Taiwan did not have the necessity to enact any China policy. Nevertheless, as China continuously tried to conduct the united-front strategy, Taiwan was passively obliged to enact the “China Policy” such as “The Three Principles Reunite China” and “Three Noes Policy” (no contact; no negotiation; no compromise), but it was no more than a slogan. In 1987, Taiwan lifted the ban and allowed residents to visit relatives in China. For cross-Straits unfolded an enthusiastically interflow, Taiwan’s “China Policy” started changing from passive to active. Not but that cross-Straits had a 180-degree transition, both sides’ relationship still lay in the phenomena of “Official Passion & Civil Indifference” because of the influence of ruler’s subjective or objective factor. In particular, the controversial disputes in respect of the “Special state-to-state relations” advocated by Lee Deng-Hue in his late reign period forced China to unilaterally suspend the cross-Straits negotiation. On the one hand, China’s doubt about the “Taiwan Independence” commended by Chen Shui-bian and DDP caused the official contacting channel being cut during Chen’s reigning period, but not the civil interflow, which on the contrary, became more intense and frequent. The civil force urged the ruler to enact the guideline of “China Policy” that became even more important. During Chen’s reigning period, Taiwan in the international was constrained by the US and China, and pinned down by the opposition party; how could the “China Policy” be produced? It is also worthy to make a further exploration if the “Domestic factor” is the key point to affect the said Policy.
    DDP was turned into the opposition party through the party alternation in 2008; it could become the ruling party again. Regardless of which parties in power, “China Policy” is an important issue to be actively faced by each party, either ruling party or opposition party. The formation of any argument or policy will be affected by contemporary time, space, environment, and context in a mass, in particular, the “China Policy” that could directly influence the cross-Straits relations. China has always doubt about DDP’s China Policy, but has no choice but to face the possibilities that DDP might regain the power. After all, Taiwan is a democratic country, and the party alternation by democratic election is the normality of an advanced democratic state. Tsai Ying-wen transformed from a scholar to DDY’s chairwoman in the duration of 2008~2012, proposing the “Decade of political program” and “China Policy”, the formation and tendency of which has directly and indirectly affect our national development. Therefore, how to deeply understand the China Policy enacted by DDY after a party alternation, we expect that DDY will be helpful for both sides’ relationship while we seek and explore how to develop a peaceful and stable cross-Straits relations.
    Appears in Collections:[中國大陸研究所] 學位論文

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