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    Title: Docile people in the prison of Nineteen eighty-four
    Other Titles: <<一九八四>>監獄裡順從的人民
    一九八四監獄裡順從的人民
    Authors: 周子弘;Chou, Tzu-Hung
    Contributors: 淡江大學英文學系碩士班
    黃逸民;Huang, I-Min
    Keywords: 監視;情境力量;全景監獄;老大哥;意識形態;雙重思想;新話;系統力量;Surveillance;situational power;panopitcon;Big Brother;ideology;Doublethink;Newspeak;System Power
    Date: 2012
    Issue Date: 2012-06-21 06:34:22 (UTC+8)
    Abstract: 《一九八四》充斥著不信任、恐懼、冷酷的氛圍。思想警察在此氣氛下似乎不甚突兀。
    但在當今世界中卻顯得格格不入。縱然當今世界建構在民主與法治之上,不意味「思想控制」已銷聲匿跡。其實,它無所不在。我要探討的領域是不可見、狡詐的、理所當然的力量。這股無形力量能使人們「自願」受管束控制。此外,究竟有多大程度,人們無意識地受此力量控制,亦是我關注的焦點。
    第一章裡,我以《路西法效應》的觀點探討人與人、人與環境間的關係。假設日常生活背後有股無形的形塑力量。為了承認這力量的存在,首先要破除善惡二元對立的傳統思考模式,再來將個人特質的歸因習慣轉化成情境力量的思考觀點。如此得以揭露此晦澀不明之力量。
    第二章討論「雙重思想」與「新話」。此二意識型態為《一九八四》中黨控制人民的工具。探討的目的在於引出小說與真實人生中的關聯性。並提醒自己與所謂的「壞蘋果」或小說中盲從的人民並非那樣不同。同時,藉由波希亞的擬態理論支持此相關性。
    第三章以「性、法律、權力和社會」這篇文章的角度深刻探討「力」在小說中的意義。文章將權力分成「公權力」以及「私有力量」。「公權力」屬於政府。而「私有力量」則是個人、組織、宗教、種族或次文化所產生的私權力。文章認為「私有力量」比「公權力」更危險,而且歐威爾因為太懼怕「公權力」而忽略了「私有力量」的侵略性。因此使得小說顯得「不著邊際」。其實,歐威爾在小說中並未忽略「私有力量」,而文章有此論點也許是因為受制於善惡二元論。除此之外,傅柯對權力與知識之間抱持的正面關係也被用在重新省視性在小說中的定位。
    第四章建議提升、教育̀「人性」而非依賴仰望人性善的一面。
    Nineteen Eighty-Four has an atmosphere of distrust, fear, and coldness. The Thought Police, seems to have “reasonably,” at least not strangely, existed in such an atmosphere. By contrast, they are compatible with the modern world. However, just because the political situations today are democratic and ruled by laws does not mean that “mind control” disappears in our society. Mind control prevails everywhere.
    The field I am exploring is the invisible, shrewd, and justifiable power which makes us “willing” to be controlled and dominated. Besides discovering this power, to what extent we human being is involved in it without being aware is my concern.
    In chapter one, I will use The Lucifer Effect as my approach to discover the relationships between individuals and between individual and his surroundings. I suppose that behind our daily behaviors there is a power that dominate and influence people in an obscure way. To admit this power, the myth of Good-Evil dichotomy should be broken first. Then, we could focus on the situational power rather than dispositional distinction. In doing so, we could start to reveal the obscure power.
    In Chapter two, I will discuss Doublethink and Newspeak, both of which are the ideologies the Party uses to control its people in Nineteen Eighty-Four, to reveal the similarity between the world of Nineteen Eighty-Four and that of ours. Thus, we can realize that we are not so different than the “bad guys,” or the submissive people and the ruthless Party in Nineteen Eighty-Four. Besides, Baudrillard’s theory of simulation is borrowed to illustrate the relationship between 1984 and our real world.
    In chapter three, I will discuss this topic according to another article collected in On Nineteen Eighty-Four: Orwell and Our Future, “Sex, law, Power, and Community.” In his article, power is divided into two kinds: public power and private power. Public power is the authority of government. Private power is the power of “individuals, associations, religious, racial, or ethnic subcultures”. (250) According to West, private power is probably more dangerous than public power. And West argues that Orwell is “off the mark” because he neglects the danger of private power while exaggerating the threatening of public power. In fact, Orwell doesn’t ignore private power at all. And West’s misunderstanding of Orwell is probably caused by the Good-Evil dichotomy. Besides, I’ll use Foucault’s positive viewpoint about the relation between power and knowledge to rethink the role of sex in 1984.
    In the fourth chapter, I would suggest a way to prevent the future of coerce by elevating human nature. Inspired by this article “the Death of Pity: Orwell and American Political life”, which happens to serve as On Nineteen Eighty-Four: Orwell and Our Future’s conclusion, my conclusion is aimed at the humanity—by education rather than regulation.
    Appears in Collections:[英文學系暨研究所] 學位論文

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