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    Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/63872


    Title: 原住民籍立法委員的代表取向與問政行為:1993-2008之法律提案內容分析
    Authors: 包正豪
    Contributors: 淡江大學全球政治經濟學系
    Keywords: 總統大選;電視廣告;功能分析
    presidential election;television ads;functional analysis
    Date: 2009-05
    Issue Date: 2011-10-20 09:14:20 (UTC+8)
    Publisher: 臺北市:政治大學選舉研究中心
    Abstract: 自代議政治興起,代表角色定位的理論與爭議便如影隨形,與民主政治的發展相始終。在規範面,普遍認知代表應當以國家整體利益為優先,但在實務面,民選代表的政治生命之延續仰賴選舉連任與否,因此其角色會擺盪在極端的選區利益代理人和極端的全國利益受託者之間。而以台灣為個案之相關研究,則普遍發現立委在國會當中的立法與選區服務,都有連任的選舉考量,而較傾向扮演選區利益的代理人。不過前述研究發現,均是以立法委員整體作為研究對象所得出的。有鑑於此,本文嘗試延伸既有研究成果,聚焦於我國國會結構當中特殊的功能性代表設計,即原住民籍立委,以其代表取向與問政行為為研究對象,透過 實證資料的分析,來探討渠等的代表型態是泛原住民族群取向、選區取向,抑或是特定族群取向?並與原住民立委選舉制度的未來改革方向做初步的連結討論。同時,也將探討代表型態對於渠等的問政行為有何政治影響?
    研究發現指出:
    1. 原住民籍立委會受到選舉競爭影響,傾向積極回應選民利益。但這個「選民」並非「選區選民」,而是廣義的「原住民選民」。換言之,是以泛原住民族群的整體代表自居。這突顯現行選區劃分的荒謬與不實際,而與原民社會脫節。因此,現行憲法增修條文當中對於原住民選區劃分的規定有修正之必要。
    2. 原住民事務行政層級的提升,以及原住民運動轉型為民族運動,是刺激立委立法積極度與引導立法提案方向的最重要因素。
    3. 原住民立委所屬的選區與政黨對其提案內容性質與數量有相當程度影響。山地原住民與無黨團結聯盟(含無黨籍)立委立法積極度最高。
    4. 個別立委之間的立法積極度差異極大,排名前十者之提案量佔總數的93.3%。而渠等之提案內容側重於原住民教育、原住民地區經濟建設、原住民自治權利、原住民土地所有權及自然資源管理權,以及回饋與補償等五個類目。
    Based on the expenditure of candidates and the media use of voters, TV ads are the most important candidate message in the contemporary elections. Considering possible negative impacts of television ads on democratic society, major democratic countries take different positions on the issue of restricting campaign ads. To provide data for related discussion, this study content-analyzed the 2008 Taiwanese presidential ads. The primary findings can be summarized in three aspects. First, the functions of the TV ads in 2008 Taiwanese election included 66% of acclaims, 32% of attacks, and 2% of defenses. Compared with the U.S. counterparts in 2008, Taiwanese ads were more positive. Regarding the individual candidates, the leading candidate Ma had more acclaims than the trailing candidate Hsieh. Second, the topics of 2008 Taiwanese presidential ads contained approximately 40% of policy messages, and 60% of character messages. This pattern is similar to the ads used in the 2000 Taiwanese election, while contrary to the U.S. counterparts. Third, compared to the 2008 Taiwanese presidential debates, TV ads stressed character more than televised debates. In addition, televised debates contained more defenses than TV ads.
    Relation: 選舉研究 16(1),頁95-131
    Appears in Collections:[Department of Global Political Economy] Proceeding

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