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    題名: 中共對臺政策的持續與變遷 : 以「一個中國原則」為例
    其他題名: The continuation and transtion of China’s Taiwan policy : case study of "one China principle"
    作者: 黃柏源;Huang, Po-yuan
    貢獻者: 淡江大學中國大陸研究所碩士班
    張五岳;Chang, Wu-yueh;吳漢;Wu, Han
    關鍵詞: 一國兩制;一個中國原則;胡四點;反分裂國家法;胡六點;One Nation;Two System;One China principle;Hu’s Four Principles;Anti-Separation Law s;Hu’s Six Principles
    日期: 2010
    上傳時間: 2010-09-23 15:03:11 (UTC+8)
    摘要: 兩岸迄1949年因中共內戰以來分治分立於不同的兩個政治體系至今已邁入了60個年頭,以台灣海峽為界,以中華民國(台灣地區)與中華人民共和國(大陸地區)兩個不同的政治實體分別進行。雙方各自為取得能代表中國唯一合法的政權之地位進行長期的分立對抗,以政治、軍事、外交等各種力量企圖消滅對方取得最終統一。

    從最早期的毛澤東企圖以「武力解放」台灣到其後期不排除以「和平爭取」的方式並提出「一綱四目」的出現,是為鄧小平「和平統一、一國兩制」的雛形。接續的江澤民執政時期對台政策主軸為加強「和平統一、一國兩制」的政策宣傳,期間經歷港、澳相繼回歸,中共試圖以港、澳作為「一國兩制」範本對台灣做宣傳。其主政期間的政策內容包括絕不承認台灣為與中共對等的政治實體,並且不鬆口承諾排除以武力解決台灣問題。表面上聲明將尊重台灣人民利益,宣稱願意釋出善意為「和平統一」做出努力,實則以大欺小、以強凌弱,試圖逼使台灣為終極統一作妥協。

    第四代領導胡錦濤於2002年政治接班全面掌權,其政策除延續鄧、江,大原則是維持不變,但是在許多操作手法上因應不同的局勢確實是有許多不同的地方,其以一連串的「以法治國」模式更可以說是特有的操作手法。不僅軟的部份更軟,硬的部份更硬,更可以說是一手軍事、一手和談的交替運作。即便至今日國民黨重回執政,雖在態度與作法上多了明顯善意,致使兩岸邁入空前開放交流的新紀元。雖在十七大政治報告中確立「和平發展」的定調做為其對台政策的全新方向,但是胡錦濤一路從「胡四點」的提出、「五一七聲明」、「反分裂國家法」的制定到近期的「胡六點」,對於「一個中國原則」的堅持絲毫沒有改變過。面對「台灣意識」逐漸高漲的年代,兩邊該如何從中取得互信並進一步突破,是值得探討的地方。

    本研究係將探討在不同時期、中共不同領導人在不同的時空背景下,觀察並分析長期以來中共對台政策的「持續」與「變遷」。探討的時間點從中共的第一代領導人毛澤東起至第四代的胡錦濤為止,觀察其在主張、論述、態度、作法上的演變,做出通盤性的整合與分析。
    It has been 60 years since the civil war that divided China into two separate political system. Divided by the Taiwan Strait, R.O.C (Taiwan) and P.R.C (mainland China) set on the different side of the Strait, practicing different political rules. Both sides use every means necessary, be it politic, military, or diplomacy, in attempt to eliminate the opposing side, achieve the ultimate goal of unification, and become the only “China” that is nationally recognized.

    During the entire P.R.C history, from the early stage of Mao Zedong’s plan the “liberate” Taiwan by military power, to later on, Mao’s new plan to achieve the same goal through peace talks, which served as the building block to his successor, Deng Xiaoping’s “One Nation, Two System” policy, to Jiang Zemin’s effort to reinforce the propagation of the same policy, which occurred in the same time period as China reclaims of Hong Kong and Macau, and used them as models of the “One Nation, Two System” policy, P.R.C’s political policy toward Taiwan includes never admitting Taiwan as a separate political body, and never give up the option of “military liberation” of Taiwan. On the surface, P.R.C pretends to value the opinion of Taiwanese people, showing good faith toward a peaceful unification, when in reality, they are steadfastly executing its original plan to use their vast economic and military power to force Taiwan into submission.

    The fourth generation leader, Hu Jintao, becomes the new Chairman in 2002. The essence of his policy is essentially the same as his predecessors, although his political operation is modified due to the global diplomatic situation. Through the modifications bred his own, unique series of rules toward Taiwan diplomacy, where P.R.C’s stance becomes very flexible, and is able to play both hard and soft tactics. The stance has not changed even though Taiwan’s KMT came back into power and shows lots of good faith which built to unprecedented economic interaction from both sides of the Strait. Although Hu identified peaceful solutions as the new aim toward Taiwan diplomacy in the 17th CPC National Congress, it can be seen from his 「Hu’s Four Principles」、「May 17TH Announcement」、「Anti-Separation Law」 to his latest「Hu’s Six Principles」, that the “One China” principle has not been compromised. As the Taiwan citizens becomes more and more aware of their national identity, how to gain any breakthrough from two sides that held their political beliefs so firmly through 60 years becomes a point worthy of discussion.

    This paper will research the diplomatic policies toward Taiwan from different P.R.C leaders during different timeline, observe the constants and changes that occurred due to the change of numerous factors. From the first generation leader, Chairman Mao, to the fourth, Chairman Hu, the evolution of their stances, attitudes, executions of the policies will be thoroughly discussed and analyzed.
    顯示於類別:[中國大陸研究所] 學位論文

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