| 摘要: | 美國的主要政黨(民主黨與共和黨)分為全國黨代表、州與郡層次。自主性高、黨紀鬆散、無固定黨員登記制度突顯「柔性政黨」的特質，各層次常因為選舉而進入「協商合作」的過程。透過郡黨部運作的政治機器，時常會因為良好的政治「協商合作」關係向聯邦全國黨代表獲取更多聯邦公共資源。
政治機器是政黨組織，並提供具體、無形亦或提供物質上的誘因給對黨部效忠的選民，以便於在未來的黨務問題上得到更多人民之青睞。政治上的酬庸管道就是政治機器團體派系權勢基礎，多數時候都是由黨頭目來安排人事卡位，特別是在大城市中，黨頭目的影響力相當具有權力。
安東‧瑟馬柯是芝加哥第一位以庫克郡黨部運作政治機器的市長，「凱立‧納虛雙軌政治機器」是開啟與聯邦民主黨新政的「協商合作」關係。理查--- 喬瑟夫‧戴立因過去擔任約翰‧甘迺迪總統核心輔選幕僚，與多位民主黨人士建立良好關係。1950年代至70年代中期，理查--- 喬瑟夫‧戴立儼然成為支配芝加哥最大的政治機器。
埃爾羅德訴伯恩斯案與路登訴伊利諾州共和黨案使政府不可因個人政治信仰因素之不同將個人從非決策職位中解雇，或是以政治信仰因素做為升遷之標準。兩項法案有效打擊政治機器團體派系內部酬庸管道的權勢基礎，芝加哥政治機器轉型的原因是因為黑人註冊選民人數增加以及老戴立過逝後政治機器分裂嚴重。
芝加哥政治機器衰弱的最大原因主要是卡特聯邦民主黨嚴格檢視少數族裔公民參與，最後轉變為黑裔族群反衝的勢力並選出第一位黑裔市長: 哈羅德‧華盛頓。1989年，理查--- 麥可‧戴立當選芝加哥市長時，以個人競選組織的方式強調對市長的效忠，而非庫克郡民主黨部。
The major political parties of U.S. (Democratic party and Republican Party) are divided into national party representative, state and county layer. The U.S. party is loosely formed because of Greater independence, laxer party-disciple and slacker registering procedures. Due to a fiery election, each layer may get into “consultative cooperation” process. The closer the bilateral or trilateral relationship is, the better access the lowest one, as run by political machine in county, is going to get public resources through this channel. This happens only if the same party dominates the federal and state government.
A political machine is a party organization depending mainly on inducements like specific or non-material favors. The machine traded faithful voters whatever is needed to win election or to get party affairs done. However, The political channel of patronage is the groundwork for factional influence within the political machine; often, a party boss is predominant over the city or specific ward, dispensing job patronage, favors and personal services.
Anton J. Cermak is the first Chicago mayor running the political machine through Democratic Cook County board. Kelly-Nash machine is the watershed for “consultative cooperation” in 1933 during which federal Democratic government was undertaking the New Deal Program. Being a chief staff in JFK’s presidential campaign, Richard J. Daley, who dominated the greatest machine monolith from 1955 to mid-1976, got along well with Democratic inner circles.
Two judicial cases, Elrod v. Burns and Rutan v. Republican Party of Illinois, strike the patronage practice in the government. The former constrained a government to fire a worker in a non-policy-making position on the sole ground of his political belief, while the latter ruled politically based hiring and promotions effectively deprived an individual of his or her First Amendment rights. In Chicago, the increase of black voter registration and the scattered power seized by different factions soon after Daley’s death constitute
machine transition.
Cater’s examination on citizen participation upon minority cause the decline of Chicago machine. Harold Washington is the product of backlash from black ethnicity. In 1989, Richard M. Daley started his mayor-centered machine; namely, he demands voters remain faithful to him, not the Democratic Cook County board. |
