淡江大學機構典藏:Item 987654321/30995
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    Title: 小布希政府對美日安保體制的政策: 涉及臺灣安全之考慮(2001-2005)
    Other Titles: Bush administration's policy toward US-Japan security relations : Taiwan security consideration (2001-2005)
    Authors: 林楚淇;Lin, Chu-chi
    Contributors: 淡江大學美國研究所碩士班
    戴萬欽;Tai, Wan-chin
    Keywords: 小布希政府;美日安保體制;台灣安全;聯盟理論;軍售;軍事事務革新;the George W. Bush administration;U.S.-Japan Security Relations;Taiwan Security;Alliance Theory;Arms Sales;Revolution in Military Affairs(RMA)
    Date: 2008
    Issue Date: 2010-01-11 00:07:42 (UTC+8)
    Abstract: 小布希政府自2001年就任後,便積極強化與日本的安保合作關係。美日安保體制的穩定與否,實牽動著東亞的區域安全。從美國的角度而言,位處東亞的台灣海峽,亦為東亞地區的衝突爆發點之ㄧ。美日安保體制變扮演著平衡台海局勢的角色。
    據此,本論文運用聯盟理論作為分析的架構,以學者渥特所提出的平衡效應與紐曼所提出的資源整合概念探討下列的假設:
    H1:小布希政府主張將台海安全納入美日的共同戰略目標,但是最主要的目的仍是為了維持日本的安全。
    H2:小布希政府主張將台海安全納入美日的共同戰略目標,乃是期望台灣軍方能夠強化本身的軍備。
    在章節的分配上,第一章為緒論,闡述研究動機與目的、文獻回顧、研究理論,以及研究範圍。第二章探究聯盟理論與美日安保體制。第三章探討自小布希總統上任以來,對美日安保關係的發展產生影響的一些重要議題,包括九一一事件發生之後,美國與日本在聯合反恐問題上的合作,以及相關之因應政策。北韓發展核武對美日安保關係所產生的威脅,中國逐年的軍事現代化對美日安保關係所形成的挑戰。第四章探討小布希政府對美日安保關係涉及台灣安全之動機。首先分析小布希政府對日本安全政策。其次,本章也分析小布希政府期望藉由美日安保關係的軍事嚇阻力量維持台海兩岸情勢之穩定,以避免兩岸之間的單方面挑起軍事衝突,或是單方面改變美國政府所認定之兩岸「現狀」,確保日本的安全,並運用渥特聯盟理論中的「平衡效應」概念,檢視筆者所提出的第一個假設。第五章探討小布希政府對台灣安全之立場與其對美日安保關係之影響,探討美國對於五十多年來首次政黨輪替的台灣所作的安全政策之變與不變,與小布希政府相關安全決策團隊的主要立場及特色。其次,探討小布希政府對駐日美軍的調整以及跟日本自衛隊之間的合作關係,並於第三節運用紐曼聯盟理論中的「資源整合」概念,以國防政策中「軍事事務革新」的概念,檢視筆者所提出的第二個假設。
    本論文的研究發現,論文中所提出的兩個假設皆獲得驗證成立,小布希政府在美日安保體制下的對台安全政策,首重台灣本身對於美日安保體制所能提供的利益,以有效提供美日安保體制在台海問題上扮演平衡者的角色。
    The steadfastness of US-Japan security relations has been critical to the regional security of East Asia. The Bush Administration regards the promotion of U.S.-Japan security relations as their first priority in East Asia policy. The US government regards the Taiwan Straits as one of the key flashpoints in East Asia. The U.S.-Japan security relations act as the balancer in Cross-Strait relations.
    In this thesis, the author applies the concept of ‘balancing’ and ‘integration of resource’ from alliance theory as a framework for analysis. In particular, the thesis focuses on the exploration of two hypotheses:

    H1: Security of Japan remains the Bush Administration’s primary concern despite U.S.-Japan Security Consultative Committee claims that the Taiwan Straits is a common strategic objective of the U.S. and Japan.

    H2: The Bush Administration expects Taiwan to modernize in military equipment and equipment even though the U.S.-Japan Security Consultative Committee claims that Taiwan Straits is common strategic objective of both the US and Japan.

    In terms of structure, the first chapter provides literature review, outlines research theory, hypotheses, scope, rationale and expected contribution to the wider academia. The second chapter discusses alliance theory and U.S.-Japan security relations. The third chapter explores regional security issues affecting U.S.-Japan security relations. The fourth chapter focuses on the first hypothesis. The fifth chapter focuses on the second hypothesis.
    The article concluded with two main findings: First, US concerns contribute to the role of US-Japan relations as a balancer on Cross-Strait military issues. They continues, even strengthens, acting the role as a balancer on Cross-strait military competition. Second, the Bush Administration expects that Taiwan is to act in a positive manner, adding to the military surplus rather than minus to the US-Japan security alliance. Such a finding suggests to Taiwan government that national security is based on the strong military preparedness rather than commitment of allies.
    Appears in Collections:[Graduate Institute of American Studies] Thesis

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