Abstract: | 傳統國際關係理論預測,統一後的德國,將回復霸權國家的行事作風;然而直至目前為止,德國仍持續展現其文明強權的作風—遵守國際規範,在多邊機制中與其他國家進行協商,達成共識而後行動。因此,本文以溫特(Alexander Wendt)的社會建構主義(social constructivism)作為理論基礎,補充傳統國際關係理論未考慮到的層面,以社會學的角度解讀國際政治,重視國際關係中存在的社會規範結構,強調機制、規範與認同在國家行為及利益形成過程中的重要性,並指出行為者與結構之間存在著相互構成的關係。
為了證實德國在外交政策上,確實存在多邊主義特質的持續性,本文將首先從德國傳統的外交政策作為談起,比較德國統一前後認同展現的方式,以及與認同相符的外交政策取向;並論及德國在此一過程中,為努力推動雙邊友好關係與多邊機制的作為等。以社會建構主義理論分析德國的認同、利益與對外行動,試圖辨別德國在國際體系中扮演的角色,並進一步釐清其行為背後的動機。因為自利(self-interest),乃出自於認同,不見得可由行為來判斷。因此對於其認同的探究,為本論文的重點。最後,將試析國際結構,對於德國此一行為者的規範層次。德國所推動的國際機制與結構,對德國本身往後政策執行的影響為何;同時,德國如何反應加諸在其自身的規範,進而再一次對國際結構進行型塑的作用,形成行為者與結構相互建構的循環。 As traditional theories of international relations predicted, Germany would act as hegemony after its unification. However, Germany till now persists its behavior as a civilian power that obeys international norms, and after negotiating with other countries Germany reach consensus with them, Germany then implements foreign policies. Hence, this thesis is according to Alexander Wendt’s social constructivism theory to complement what traditional International Relations Theory didn’t talk about: it analyzes international politics with sociology, focuses on social norms in the international relations and the importance of the institutions, norms, and identity in the forming of states’ behavior and interests, and also, it points out that it exists this kind of relation of mutual construction between actors and structures.
Besides, in order to confirm German foreign policies maintaining the characteristic of multilateralism, at first, I will talk about German traditional foreign policies and compare the way the state’s identity of German foreign policies presents before and after its unification, and German foreign policies orientation which accords with state’s identity. Then, in the following chapters, I will discuss German foreign policies of promoting bilateral relationship and multilateral institutions during this period. I do the analysis of the state’s identity, interests and foreign policies of Germany by social constructivism, and try to distinguish the characteristic of Germany in the international system. Furthermore, I try to realize its motivations of implementing such foreign policies. Because the forming of self-interests is out of identity, we could not judge self-interests by its behavior only. To explore German state’s identity, therefore, becomes the main point of this thesis. At last, I will try to analyze how do the international structures limit Germany, how would the international institutions and structures which Germany improved influence German foreign policies, and how does Germany react to the limitations or norms that the international structures pose on it. Then again, Germany constructs the international structures. That becomes an endless circle of mutual construction of actors and structures. |