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    Title: From motherland to promised land : the Cuban-American political attachment
    Other Titles: 古裔美人政治取向
    Authors: 周淑傑;Chou, Shu-chieh
    Contributors: 淡江大學拉丁美洲研究所碩士班
    白方濟;Pérez, Francisco Luis
    Keywords: 古裔美人;政治取向;選舉人票;貿易禁運;總統大選;Cuban-American;political attachment;electoral vote;trade embargo;presidential election
    Date: 2005
    Issue Date: 2010-01-10 23:49:25 (UTC+8)
    Abstract: 族裔團體影響美國的外交政策是不容置疑的。在拉丁族裔中最具影響力的即為古裔美人,其人數雖次於墨西哥裔和波多黎各裔美人,但其政治表現卻是有目共睹。美國長達四十年的貿易禁運政策歷久不衰,就是源自於古裔美人的政治遊說。本論文期盼以古裔美人移民歷史脈絡,包括移民原因、移民地選擇、接收國之回應、以及族裔特性和吸引力,來探討其政治取向和政治表現。並研究古裔美人之政治參與和族裔經濟表現之連結,換言之,其社經地位的提升對其政治表現的助益。

    波第氏(Portes)提出族裔領地經濟理論(Ethnic Enclave Economy Theory),認為族裔創造出獨特的經濟體,尤其是族裔本身具備勞力分工的特性(divisions of labor)和企業經營的能力(entrepreneurial skills),對族裔社會流動(social mobility)帶來正面的效應,因其鼓勵自營企業的發展,故對古裔美人之政治參與奠定了基礎。

    然而古裔美人之移民歷史與政治表現息息相關,其移民原因以一九八零年以前為例,多屬政治因素,古巴革命後之政治經濟和社會改革,對古巴人民的衝擊引發的移民潮,而之後則多為經濟因素。其移民地之選擇亦與美國之干涉和殖民有關,且美國對二次大戰後共產國家的難民均採接納態度,另外對古巴難民採取優惠措施,賦予其永久居留的權利,皆有利於古裔美人之政治參與。再加上其超過二分之一的人數聚集在佛州邁阿密,增加其與拉丁美洲的貿易和人員之流動,加深其政治影響力。

    古裔美人之政治取向(political attachment)可由利益團體的立場、選舉參與、對貿易禁運政策之看法得知,而分為族裔政治(ethnic politics)或流亡政治(exile politics)。前者代表移民對祖國事務不關心,而專注於其在接收國之生活;後者則完全相反。故古裔美人之政治表現明顯偏向後者,尤其貿易禁運政策之持續,取決於美國總統選舉的古裔選票考量。但其政治參與之阻礙,可能改變其政治取向和表現。簡言之,古裔美人影響美國對古巴之外交政策,但其優勢面臨縮小的局面。
    Ethnic groups affect the U.S. politics. The most influential one among Hispanic Americans is Cuban Americans even though the number of population is far less than Mexican and Puerto Rican Americans. Their political influence is accurate due to the over-forty-year U.S. trade embargo policy resulting in the interest group’s lobbying. This thesis expects to find out the Cuban-American political attachment and performance according to the immigration history, such as, the migration motives, the destination choice, the receiving country’s feedback and the ethnic characteristics and magnetism. And it focuses on the connection between the ethnic economic performance and the political participation.

    Portes’ Ethnic Enclave Economy Theory indicates the positive effects on social mobility from the ethnic enclave because of the divisions of labor and the entrepreneurial skills that facilitate the self-employment. The ethnic enclave benefits the Cuban-American political participation.

    The Cuban-American political attachment relates to the immigration history. The migration motive of the Cuban immigration before and after 1980 is due to the political and the economic factors. Referring to the destination choice, it has causes of the U.S. colonization and intervention in Cuban history. And the U.S. attitudes toward the refugees from the communist countries after World War II are positive. It also offers Cubans the right to obtain the legal permanent residence status. Both of them create a favorable circumstance for political participation. Moreover, over half of Cubans residing in Miami, Florida increase the mobility of Latin American trade and immigrants and the political influence.

    The Cuban-American political attachment divides into the ethnic politics or the exile politics by understanding the position of the interest group, the electoral participation and the debate on the trade embargo policy. The former one implies the immigrants concern with own welfare instead of home country’s affairs; the latter one shows the opposite situation. The Cuban-American political attachment reveals the tendency of the latter one according to the continuity of U.S. trade embargo policy. The Cuban votes determine the U.S. presidential elections.

    However, Cubans confront barriers of political representation, which may reduce the influence on political attachment and performance. In short, Cuban Americans affect the U.S.-Cuban relations but the effect will no longer be the same.
    Appears in Collections:[拉丁美洲研究所] 學位論文

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