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    Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: http://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw:8080/dspace/handle/987654321/30420

    Title: 東北亞安全戰略關係之研究(2001-2006)─權力轉移理論觀點的分析
    Other Titles: Security strategic relations of northeast Asia (2001-2006) : from the perspective of power transition theory
    Authors: 歐昊昌;Ou, Hao-chang
    Contributors: 淡江大學國際事務與戰略研究所碩士班
    施正權;Shih, Cheng-chuan
    Keywords: 東北亞;權力轉移;安全戰略;權力結構;滿意度;強權;中國崛起;超越;Northeast Asia;Power transitions;Security strategy;Power structure;satisfaction;Great Power;The rise of China;overtaking
    Date: 2007
    Issue Date: 2010-01-10 23:39:03 (UTC+8)
    Abstract: 本文在概要說明權力轉移理論的發展後,主要從區域權力「結構」、強權的權力發展「動態」,及維護區域秩序的管理「政策」這三大面向,分析探討東北亞安全戰略關係的演變。首先,在「結構」方面。2001 年至2006 年期間,美國在「911 事件」後,接連展開戰爭且取勝,卻陷入後續戰區重建泥沼,經濟成本與兵力的牽制,加上國際社會批判,對美國國際地位與影響力產生不利影響;中國維持高經濟成長,並擴充現代化軍事裝備,且涵養國際影響力,崛起已成事實;日本藉美大舉反恐之際取得強力支持,一面修改法律鬆綁對外行動限制,一面擴充強化軍備以肩負區域安全重責。
    To analyze and comment on the evolution of strategic relations in Northeast Asia, the thesis focuses on three aspects: regional power structure, dynamics of power and strategic thinking of Great power, and the management policy for preserving regional order. First of all, following the ‘911 incident’in 2001, the U.S.A launched the war and declared victory in succession. However, through 2006, the economic cost, the pinning down of troops and the criticism of the international community has resulted in unfavorable effects on the international status and influence of U.S.A. Meanwhile, China maintains a
    high economic development rate, expands the modernization of its military, and improves its international
    influence. Furthermore, Japan makes use of the fact of ‘the rise of China’ to gain more support from U.S.A., revises the law to lessen restrictions on external action, and strengthens its military arms with the justification of needing to bear the security of the area more responsibly.
    Second, because the rise of China has already shaken American influence, and China will overtake Japan as the Great power in this region, transitions in the regional power structure have to be faced. Therefore, the U.S.A. and Japan cooperate in strengthening regional security, while successively adopting a foreign policy of friendly association with China, too. To these ends, the U.S.A. and Japan have attempted to promote China into the current corporate international order, encouraging China to shoulder the responsibility of being a major world power; thereby reducing the threat that a rising China presents.
    For its part China, in a key period of rise, knows very well that it must safeguard the environment of its steady and peaceful rise, accept pursuing domestic reform, adopt a friendly diplomatic policy to stabilize neighboring countries, and cultivate influence externally.
    Third, though the U.S.A. hesitates to get involved in the Sino-Japanese East China Sea dispute, to ''maintain peace and stability '' is a common understanding on the question of the Taiwan Straits. On the North Korean Nuclear Issue, six-party talks still go on continuously so that the situation does not out of control. In alliances management, preparation for the establishment of a regional Economic Cooperation Organization of East Asia would be meaningful but a great deal of restrictions and challenges are waiting to be overcome. Finally, the U.S.A’s present goal to cooperate with Japan to prevent China’s expansion of force could be complicated by Japan’s own resumption of economical growth in recent years and the
    strengthening of the armed forces. Japan’s ‘re-rise'' definitely adds parameters to the regional order of
    Northeast Asia.
    Appears in Collections:[國際事務與戰略研究所] 學位論文

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