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    Title: 中共運用《反分裂國家法》的戰略價值評估(2005~2008年)
    Other Titles: The strategy's values of China's anti-secession law (2005-2008)
    Authors: 虞劍英;Yu, Chen-ying
    Contributors: 淡江大學國際事務與戰略研究所碩士在職專班
    曾復生
    Keywords: 民進黨;中國共產黨;反分裂國家法;廢統論;DPP;CPC;anti-secession law;Abolition of Unification
    Date: 2009
    Issue Date: 2010-01-10 23:38:18 (UTC+8)
    Abstract: 兩岸從1949年分治以來,雙方在兩岸關係的政策上有其改變調整,亦有其一貫的立場。1987年臺灣解除戒嚴並開放大陸探親,兩岸交流開始熱絡,亦為兩岸關係帶來新的一頁。然而在1996年臺海危機爆發後,兩岸關係急速降溫,兩岸皆對對方的「統一」意圖有所質疑。
    2000年在主張臺獨的民進黨取得中央執政之後,中共被迫必須面對新的臺灣領導團體。在民進黨政府不斷利用兩岸緊張關係,為其各項選舉作為獲取選票之考量,不斷挑釁中共,使得中共兩岸議題上盡失先機。
    2003年胡錦濤接任中共國家主席,正式主導中共政局。面對民進黨2004年總統大選的獲勝,中共開始思考如何避免被動回應臺灣當局的臺獨挑釁舉動。中共遂於2005年通過《反分裂國家法》,作為處理臺獨的底線。
    《反分裂國家法》通過後,雖然引起臺灣內部強烈的反彈,但國際社會並未對此發表過多支持臺灣的言論。然而在2005年到2008年之間,臺灣當局分別提出「廢統論」及「入聯公投綁大選」,作為拉抬選情的策略。然而中共卻利用這兩次事件測試《反分裂國家法》的實質效應。
    本文將針對這一連串發生之事件與經過,分析中共在《反分裂國家法》的戰略價值,並評估中共藉用此法所獲得的實質效應。
    Regarding the strategy of cross-Strait relations, both Taiwan and Mainland China have made some changes but also kept some consistent positions since China was separated into two governments in 1949. The Taiwan government removed the martial law and allowed Taiwanese to visit their relatives living in China in 1987. From then on, both sides started to exchange information and ideas in many aspects with each other. Also the cross-Strait relations ushered in a new era. However, after the Taiwan Strait crisis broke out in 1996, the cross-Strait relations cooled down. The intention of the unification of China was called into question by both sides.
    After Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) which insisted on Taiwan Independence took power in the central government in 2000, the Communist Party of China (CPC) was forced to unavoidably face the new lead team in Taiwan. The DPP government constantly utilized the tense cross-Strait relations as a strategy to triumph in the various elections and unceasingly provoked CPC to make them lose the initiative in the cross-Strait issues.
    Hu Jintao became the successor of President of China and formally led the China government in 2003. Facing the DDP’s victory in the 2004 presidential election, CPC started thinking about how to avoid passively responding to the provocation of Taiwan Independence from the Taiwan authorities. Accordingly, CPC passed the Anti-Secession Law in 2005 as the bottom line of dealing with the Taiwan Independence issue.
    Although the approval of Anti-Secession Law made Taiwanese people feel a strong antipathy towards it, the international community didn’t make many statements publicly to support Taiwan.. However, the Taiwan government raised “Abolition of Unification” and “Referendum for Entering United Nations Bundled into Elections” respectively during 2005 and 2008, as a strategy of promoting the situation of election. But CPC used these two events to test the real effects of Anti-Secession Law.
    This thesis is focused on a series of events and their processes to analyze the strategic value of CPC’s Anti-Secession Law and evaluate the real effects that CPC obtained by using this law.
    Appears in Collections:[國際事務與戰略研究所] 學位論文

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