| 摘要: | 本論文主要的研究目的在於希望能以客觀且公正的的方式來探討蘇聯對於波蘭長期以來傳統的外交政策，其中包含政治、經濟、意識型態與國家安全等方面。進入了1980年代，蘇聯的外交利益卻受到波蘭工人運動的挑戰。如果這是1968年捷克斯洛伐克的情況或許會比較容易些，但是波蘭工人運動的主角卻是長期共產主義合法性來源的勞工階級。因此使得蘇聯不得不小心翼翼的處理波蘭事件。隨著首相兼波共第一書記雅澤魯塞斯基實行戒嚴令與成立軍事委員會來管理國家。從莫斯科的觀點來看，這樣的措施是一種意想不到的決定，不僅摧毀了團結工會的力量同時避免了波蘭的內戰與蘇聯的軍事入侵。
由於戈巴契夫的上台與新思維的倡導使得蘇聯對於東歐的外交政策產生重大的改變，戈巴契夫強調：每個國家都有權選擇自己的生活方式。因此波蘭為了選擇自己的生活方式而召開了圓桌會議並且使得團結工會合法化，這也是東歐共產國家第一個除了共產黨以外合法的工會。自此，團結工會便以合法的名義與波共進行一連串的政治與經濟的談判。最後也造成了波蘭第一個非共政府的誕生，這也是東歐首次出現的非共政府。
在政治、經濟與意識型態的利益上，蘇聯也許會做出讓步。但是考量到蘇聯整個國家安全利益這點，蘇聯似乎不會輕易的妥協。尤其當蘇聯的軍隊還駐守在東德境內，波蘭的地理位置對於蘇聯來說仍是相當的重要。為了緩和蘇聯的疑慮，波蘭首相馬佐維基表示： 波蘭正處於兩個世界當中，在歷史與文化上，波蘭與西方有著強烈的關連，但是波蘭的安全卻寄託於東方。同時波蘭也是一個試驗的場所，如果波蘭出現無政府狀態，那麼將損害其他國家改革的力量，甚至是整個東西關係。因此波蘭不會太快的背離蘇聯。
The motive of this dissertation is attempting to discuss the long-term traditional Soviet foreign policies toward Poland with an un prejudiced and clinical way, including political, economic, ideological and national security. As we enter the 1980s, Soviet foreign interests had been challenged by the Polish workers’ movement. It might be easier if this event had happened in Czechoslovakia in 1968, unfortunately, the essence of Polish workers’ movement is labour class, the source of legitimacy of long-term Communism. That’s why the Soviet must deal with it carefully. While Wojciech Jaruzelski announced the establishment of military council and implementation of Martial law. From Moscow’s standpoint, this was a master stroke, breaking the power of Solidarity and doing it without civil war and without the use of Soviet force.
Due to obtainment of Gorbachev’s power and advocacy of New Thinking made Soviet policies toward East Europe to switch completely. Gorbachev emphasized: Every nation has right to choose the way they live. In order to choose their life, Poland convened the so-called Conference of Round Table, and meanwhile, the Solidarity obtained the legitimacy. This is the first legal union in the East Europe,. Since then, Solidarity, with legal nominal, negotiated a series of political and economic reform with Polish Communist Party. And finally, it caused the appearance of the first Polish non-communist government in the East Europe.
Under political, economic and ideological interests, Soviet might make a concession. But when Kremlin considered the area of Soviet national security, Soviet might not compromise easily. When Soviet’s troops were still stationed in the East-Germany, the position of Poland for Moscow was still quite importance. In order to alleviate Soviet’s fears, Poland can’t deviate from Moscow quickly. |
