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    題名: 自治還是控制:兩岸少數民族/原住民族自治制度的實踐研究---以自治權為中心
    其他題名: Autonomy or control: an autonomy-centered study on minority ethnic group / aboriginal tribe self-government systems in Taiwan and mainland China
    作者: 江文雄Takiyo‧Kacaw;Chiang, Wen-hsiung
    貢獻者: 淡江大學中國大陸研究所碩士在職專班
    施正鋒;Shih, Cheng-feng
    關鍵詞: 原住民族;少數民族;原住民族自治區;少數民族自治區;自治權;Aboriginal Tribes;Minority Tribes;Minority Ethnic Groups;Minority Nationality Autonomous Regions;autonomy
    日期: 2008
    上傳時間: 2010-01-10 23:24:55 (UTC+8)
    摘要: 台灣的原住民族自治運動自1980年代,從台灣北區的大專院校校園及街頭抗爭開始至今約有20寒暑。2000年的政黨輪替,因為民進黨政府的執政給原住民族自治運動更寬廣的自治運動推動及論述空間,一時間原住民族自治運動也躍昇為民進黨政府執政時期的重大推行政策之一。其主要原因;是因為早期民進黨在推行街頭民主抗爭時期,為厚植民進黨勢力以利與當時執政的國民黨政府相抗衡,遂與當時的台灣原住民族自治運動力量相結盟。也正因為這一微妙的關係;在民進黨執政以後,許多當時原住民族自治運動的原住民族菁英份子,紛紛被民進黨政府延攬進入政府公部門或民進黨黨部任職,並繼續推動原住民族自治運動的使命。
    與此同時,原住民族自治議題在台灣學術界及政府行政單位成了熱門的研究課題。諸多借鏡紐、澳、美、加、歐洲及中國大陸的原住民族或少數民族自治區的研究成果,為正邁向建置台灣原住民族自治區的台灣原住民族而言,累積了無數寶貴的資產。
    中國大陸政府自建黨、建政迄今,在中國大陸建立了155個少數民族自治地方,其中自治區5個、自治州30個、自治縣(旗)120個,還有1256個少數民族自治鄉。
    中國這樣的政治制度設計,對於實施極度中央集權的國家政體而言,中國境內的少數民族自治區真能落實其自治權嗎?在理論與實踐上有何特色和困境?相較於極力邁向自治、自主又企欲擺脫被殖民統治命運的台灣原住民族和企圖與台灣原住民族建立所謂「夥伴關係」的台灣政府而言又有何啟發?是本研究的動機所在。
    Taiwan’s Aboriginal Tribe Autonomy Movement began in the 1980s when it first took place on college campuses and on the street in northern Taiwan. It gained more space in promotion and discourse when the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) came to power on the island in 2000. Overnight, facilitating the movement seemed to have become a major policy of the new government. This was principally because when the DPP was struggling on the street for democracy in the early days, to strengthen its influence against the Kuomintang (KMT) government, it had entered into alliance with the movement’s powers. As a result of this, after the DPP held power, many of the elite of the movement were absorbed in succession into the public sector or DPP headquarters to continue their mission for self-government of aboriginal tribes.
    In the meanwhile, aboriginal tribe self-government became a hot research subject in academic circles and the government’s administrative agencies in Taiwan. Much of such research adopted research efforts on aboriginal tribes or minority nationality autonomous regions (MNARs) from around the world, such as New Zealand, Australia, America, Canada, Europe, and mainland China. This in turn had accumulated innumerable valuable assets for Taiwanese aboriginal tribes who were marching towards establishment of Taiwan aboriginal tribe autonomous regions.
    On the other hand, in mainland China, since it took power in mainland China in 1949, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has established a total of 155 MNARs across the country – 5 autonomous regions, 30 autonomous prefectures, and 120 autonomous counties (banners), in addition to 1256 minority nationality autonomous
    towns.
    With a political system design like this, under a state regime which enforces extreme centralization of power, however, can the MNARs really put their autonomy into practice? What are their characteristics and challenges? And what could they inspire both Taiwanese aboriginal tribes striving hard towards self-government and autonomy in a bid to put an end to their colonized fate and the Taiwanese government attempting to forge a “partnership” with its own aboriginal tribes? These questions were all explored in this study.
    顯示於類別:[中國大陸研究所] 學位論文

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