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    Title: 「一國兩制」下香港政黨發展 : 民主黨個案研究
    Other Titles: The development of Hong Kong political parties under "One Country, Two Systems" : a case study of the Democratic Party
    一國兩制下香港政黨發展 : 民主黨個案研究
    Authors: 鄒麗泳;Tsou, Li-yung
    Contributors: 淡江大學中國大陸研究所碩士在職專班
    張五岳;Chang, Wu-ueh
    Keywords: 一國兩制;基本法;選舉制度;政制檢討;民主黨;民主化;“One country, two systems”;Basic Law;electoral system;review of political institutions;The Democratic Party;Democratization
    Date: 2006
    Issue Date: 2010-01-10 23:24:35 (UTC+8)
    Abstract: 香港政黨崛起至今,時間不長,政黨政治發展也尚未健全,九七後,香港資本主義市場經濟回歸到社會主義制度中國,依循「一國兩制」框架下的「基本法」運行,香港政黨(民主黨)發展是舉世特殊案例。
    本研究旨在探討「一國兩制」下香港政黨發展,以民主黨的發展演進為主軸,探究民主黨發展時不可避免地會牽涉到香港政治制度、選舉制度乃至於香港民主化過程,本研究目的包括,(1)釐清北京與特區政府體制關係;(2)探討香港特區政治制度與政黨運作;(3)選舉制度對香港政黨及民主黨之影響;(4)政黨重組之可能性;(5)香港民主化對中國民主化之影響。
    本研究從四個層面來檢視香港回歸後民主黨發展。第一個層面,處理政治體制,基本法制度設計、特區政府架構,中港自治權爭議;第二個層面,從選舉制度著手,檢視選舉制度與政黨勢力消長之關連性;第三個層面,討論民主黨組黨背景、內部分岐與民主派之黨際關係;第四個層面,探討香港民主化進程。
    研究發現為:
    一、就政制目標而言,基本法政制目標,(1)中央主控與行政獨大:北京握有基本法制訂、修訂及解釋權,行政長官任命及同意權;(2)削弱立法會:立法會組成方式、議員提案權受限及分組點票機制,立法機關只扮監察角色,難制衡政府部門;(3)拖延民主化:北京否決雙普選,堅不承諾普選時間表;(4)阻礙政黨發展:行政長官非政黨成員,選舉方式保護工商界利益。
    二、香港的選舉制度為「半民主選舉制度」,體現於(1)行政長官非由香港公民一人一票選舉產生,由800人選舉委員選出,不符普遍投票權;(2)立法會選舉一半直選、一半非直選,票票不等值,不符選票平等原則;(3)區議會仍保留102席委任區議員,不具民意基礎。
    三、民主黨發展,瓶頸為(1)基層組織不落實;(2)領導斷層與新老交替不成功;(3)45條關注組於2006年組黨後,挑戰民主黨地位,親中政黨民建聯與港進聯已合併,民主派政黨有重組之可能性。
    民主黨契機為,港人民主意識上揚,有利於推展民主運動;北京改採務實態度治理香港,行政長官曾蔭權重整府會關係。

    研究展望為:
    (1)香港民主化進程取決於北京態度,普選時間表、民主範圍與程度皆由北京拍板;(2)中港經濟一體化,經貿明顯『一國一制』;(3)北京『圍堵民主』,堅持共產黨領導並奉行一黨專政,香港民主化漸進性、可控性、試驗性經驗,短期內,難對中國民主化有具體催化作用。
    It has not been long since the rise of political parties of Hong Kong, and the development of which has yet been sound and sturdy. After the return to China in 1997, the original market-oriented Hong Kong economy based on capitalism has turned to the economy based on socialism with Chinese characteristics. Operated in conformity with “The Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China” under the policy of “One Country, Two Systems,” the development of Hong Kong political parties (The Democratic Party) is a unique case throughout the world.
    Using The Democratic Party as a subject, this study is to investigate the development of Hong Kong political parties under the “One Country, Two Systems” policy, and explore the political system, electoral system, and the democratization process of Hong Kong, which The Democratic Party has inevitably encountered during its development. Objectives of this study include: (1) To clarify the frame and system between Beijing and the government of Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR). (2) To probe into the political system and the operation of political parties in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. (3) To examine the influence of electoral system on Hong Kong political parties including The Democratic Party. (4) To prospect the probability of party realignment. (5) To discuss the influence of Hong Kong democratization on China democratization.
    This study examines developments of The Democratic Party after the return of Hong Kong to China from four different aspects. First is to deal with the political system, the design of legal systems in the Basic Law, government structure in HKSAR, and the dispute of autonomy between China and Hong Kong. Second is to observe vicissitude correlations between electoral system and political parties based on the electoral system. Third is to discuss the background of the forming of The Democratic Party, internal discrepancies, and their relationships with other parties in the democratic clique. Fourth is to investigate the democratization progress in Hong Kong.

    Findings of this study:
    1. As for the objectives of political systems, the legal and administrative systems based on Basic Law are: (1) to be controlled by Central People’s Government with a dominating administrative power: Beijing holds the right to institute and interpret the Basic Law, to commission the Chief Executive of HKSAR. (2) Power and functions exercised by the Legislative Council are to be weakened: from the constitution of the Legislative Council, councilors’ limited right to initiate motions, and ballot rigging through grouping mechanism, the legislative body performs a role of monitoring only, while the administration is beyond actual control. (3) The democratization is to be put back: Beijing vetoed dual universal suffrage and refuses to set up a timetable for suffrage. (4) The development of political parties is to be obstructed: the Chief Executive of HKSAR is not a member of a political party and the way the Chief Executive is elected simply protects the interests of industrial and commercial circles.
    2. Electoral system in Hong Kong is only a “semi-democratic” system, which is reflected in: (1) The Chief Executive is not elected from general elections by all Hong Kong citizens but chosen by a committee of 800 Hong Kong residents, which is not a universal suffrage. (2) The formation of Legislative Council is half from direct elections and half from indirect elections, which is not in conformity with ballot equalitarianism. (3) A number of 102 members in the District Council is still by appointment which does not have the will of the citizenry.
    3. Bottlenecks of developments of The Democratic Party include: (1) Organizations in the basic level is not solid. (2) The lack of worthy successors in the leadership and poor supersedure between the old and the new. (3) The Article 45 Concern Group may form a political party in 2006 which will challenge the position of The Democratic Party, while the merge of pro-China parties, Democratic Alliance for Betterment of Hong Kong and The Hong Kong Progressive Alliance, may induce the recombination of all parties in the democratic clique.
    Critical points of turning lie on the following: awakening of democracy among Hong Kong residents, which will be beneficial to democratic campaigns; Beijing has changed to a more practical manner in ruling Hong Kong; Donald Tsang Yam-Kuen, the Chief Executive, has been making efforts to nurture a more harmonious relationship with the Legislative Council.
    Prospects:
    (1) The progress of democratization in Hong Kong relies on the attitude of Beijing, the timetable of universal suffrage, the ambits of democracy, which are all to be decided by Beijing. (2) Economies of Hong Kong and China are going to be united as one, economy and business is actually “One Country, One System.” (3) Beijing encircles and suppresses democracy, and persists in “dictatorship of one party,” the experience of graduality, controlability, and experimentalilty of Hong Kong democratization is hard to catalyze the democratization in China within a short period of time.
    Appears in Collections:[中國大陸研究所] 學位論文

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