淡江大學機構典藏:Item 987654321/113894
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    題名: 中共對臺文化戰略的解析(2008-2016) : 建構主義集體身分取向的觀點
    其他題名: The analysis on China's culture strategy toward Taiwan (2008-2016) : aspect in collective identity of constructivism
    作者: 李中強;Li, Chung-Chiang
    貢獻者: 淡江大學國際事務與戰略研究所博士班
    翁明賢;Wong, Ming-hsien
    關鍵詞: 建構主義;集體身分;認同;文化戰略;文化統戰;Constructivism;Collective Identity;Identity;culture strategy;Culture United Front
    日期: 2017
    上傳時間: 2018-08-03 14:34:53 (UTC+8)
    摘要: 臺灣海峽兩岸的人民,同文同種、擁有相同的文化,自1949年中國內戰後分裂為兩個政治實體,雙方都宣稱中止敵對狀態,主權爭議卻是不斷。即使92年會談後有了「一個中國各自表述」的共同認知,中共對臺「不放棄武力統一」的基調卻未見調整。其近來國力大增,本可峙強大經濟實力與軍事武力發展的提升來直接對臺進行壓迫,竟不循傳統對臺文攻武嚇的模式,反而開始強調「中國人不打中國人」、「中華文化」、「兩岸同為一個民族、血脈相連」、「兩岸一家親」及「兩岸生命共同體」等說法、經濟上也大幅對臺讓利,促成「兩岸經濟合作架構協議」(ECFA)簽訂,並承認國府於抗戰時的貢獻、開放觀光、宗教、學術、文化等交流等,此與其統一臺灣一貫的戰略基調似乎有所歧異。這種發展脈絡似乎意味著在中共對臺統一戰略背後,隱藏另一個更深層的謀略。
    本文假設中共對臺戰略背後隱藏著「文化戰略」,藉以跨越現存的政治鴻溝,期建構出新的「文化結構」,進而重塑、轉化臺灣人民的深層價值觀,重新建構臺灣人民新的身分認同。
    經過了20多年的往來,尤其在2008-2016年國民黨執政後大幅開放、頻密交流更甚以往,歷年的調查結果卻顯示,臺灣人並未提高中國人的認同度、傾向統一的人未增加。民眾認知大陸政府對我政府的態度「不友善」比例高、在對我人民態度上普遍認為「不友善」、「社會印象」上中共政權是不友善的國家。
    本論文的問題意識在於探索中共是否正透過共同文化的強調,形塑集體身分認同的方法來達成其和平統一的目標。並了解此種戰略調整的發展過程為何?所欲達戰略目標為何?如何操作?成效如何?為何臺灣民眾會有如此認知傾向?
    中共對臺的文化戰略操作上,近來極力運用文化柔性的統戰手法爭取臺灣人民身分認同。對此,本文採用Wendt理念主義論點所使用的「觀念結構」解釋「文化結構」為研究途徑,以文化形成過程、國際關係認同(身分)產生及所其提出「同質性」、「相互依存」、「命運共同體」及「自我克制」等建構集體身分的四個主變項,並以社會心理學的認知與信任的形成關係為中間變項補充理論,探討為何2008-2016兩岸關係和緩的頻密交流後,臺灣人民的中國人認同、統一的傾向卻反其道而行的影響因素。
    People who live on both sides of Taiwan Strait are the same race, using the same language and sharing the same culture. They were separated to two political entities by the civil war ended in 1949. Although both respective government claimed to terminate the cross-straits hostilities, even in 1992, Taiwan and Mainland China finally reached a “One China with respective interpretations” consensus and pursued country unification, they still have a heating debate between then regarding sovereignty.
    However after 20 years since then, not only there is no united country but also not an increasing number of Taiwan people who want to see themselves as Chinese people. They stand by Taiwan independence and maintain the status quo. Even though KMT who was in power from 1998 to 2016, the authority of Taiwan became closer to Mainland than ever before, Mainland China surrendered part of their profits to Taiwan in economy, treating Taiwan people more friendlily, communicated with each other frequency and admitting to some contribution of R.O.C government in history not too long ago.
    In this thesis, I hypothesize the P.R.C government still keeps a policy and operates culture strategy to unify Taiwan, and applied Wendt’s culture concept of constructivism as an approach to analyze the hypothesis.
    As Wendt’s theory explains, when a person’s private knowledge is shared with other people, it would become the shared knowledge. The socially shared knowledge is culture. People under the same culture would have inter-subjective understandings amongst them, and supervenience in those people’s heads to guide their behaviors. When people act out as a social role in the culture, they need other people to support the role. Therefore, if people who act out pro-social culture behavior, they would be categorized as in-group which is “Identity”. Wendt mention interdependence, common fate, homogeneity, self-restraint as four master variables to form a collective identity.
    I also propose “truth” from social cognition theory as Intervening Variable to explain why so many people in Taiwan do not want to see themselves as Chinese people and won’t unify with China after 2008?
    顯示於類別:[國際事務與戰略研究所] 學位論文

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