本文主要是以兩岸的政策作為導向，並配合國際關係理論的應用來加以說明。因此在政策的內容上，主要針對從2008年5月20日，馬英九總統上任以來，兩岸之間的官方談判內容和已完成簽署的協議來加以討論；而在理論方面，則是以新功能主義為主，來解釋兩岸之間目前和未來的發展方向。本文主要應用的理論，為自由主義學派(neoliberalism doctrine)中的新功能主義(neo-functionalism)來作為核心理論的研究，冀望能從兩岸之間「先經後政」的理念中，尋求彼此都能共同接受的發展模式，創造一個互利合作的政治平臺。 但從馬英九總統第二任任期以來的種種兩岸民調顯示，「先經後政」、「由經入政」的外溢效果並不如預期，兩岸政策也出現更多的反思。尤其是在去（2014）年「太陽花學運」之後，更出現斷裂式的改變：「太陽花學運」代表著是台灣公民社會力量---而非民進黨---對於兩岸關係的重新省思，與其說其反對兩岸關係持續穩定的發展，不如說其主張兩岸關係的發展必須在台灣社會內部的共識基礎和有序監督之上。 This paper is based on the approach of Strait Policy to explain the international relation theory. Therefore I will focus on those policies has been accomplished by both official of Strait since Mr. Ma assumed a president May 20, 2008. Theoretically, I will explain the current even the future direction of Strait by neo- functionalism. This paper has applied the neb-functionalism of neoliberalism doctrine as the core theory to approach this research, and also expect through the idea of “Economy prior to Politics” to find a common model and create a mutual beneficial platform of politics. As per the polls of Strait policy of Ma’s second terms of office, the outside effect of “Economy prior to Politics” and “Through Economy into Politics” are not as expected, but even there has been some anti thinking in Strait policy. Especially the Sunflower Student Movement (SSM) since 2014, there has changed a lot with fracture. SSM has become a symbol of social power for Taiwan Citizen, but not Democratic Party, for the reconsideration of Strait Relation，if people take it as an opposite of the steady relation of Strait, I would rather take it as a necessary above the Strait Relation development, which we should have a common knowledge and oder supervising among our internal Taiwan society.
