DSpace collection: 期刊論文

中共隱患排查作為觀察

Thu, 14 Apr 2022 04:10:22 GMT

title: 中共隱患排查作為觀察 abstract: 安全隱患排查主要指企業生產單位需依法進行生產管理，避免事故發生，其制度在中國大陸行之有年，2008 年國家安監總局發布實施「安全生產事故隱患排查治理暫行規定」，企業需進行的生產安全事故隱患排查程序，並進行分級管理；2009 年中共修訂「安全生產法」，加入「隱患排除」（之後改為隱患排查），要求企業生產單位必須建立相關制度。近年來，中國大陸經濟快速成長，惟相關基礎建設與安全觀念尚嫌薄弱，各種公共安全造成的災難問題頻傳，例如 2015 年天津化學倉庫爆炸案，大規模驚人的爆炸畫面被錄製拍攝後於網路廣為流傳，造成社會不安，並影響國際形象，隱患排查成為政府重要監督工作。此外，近年中國大陸網路社會快速發展，許多新聞消息不僅可以很快透過媒體報導獲知，亦經由網路傳送至全世界，中共事後掩蓋資訊的能力相對弱化，因此事前確保公共安全災難不發生，成其穩定社會的重要措施之一。

2021兩岸情勢總結與預判

Thu, 14 Apr 2022 04:10:20 GMT

title: 2021兩岸情勢總結與預判

武漢肺炎對在中國大陸台商之影響

Sat, 12 Mar 2022 04:10:16 GMT

title: 武漢肺炎對在中國大陸台商之影響

馬來西亞華社對一帶一路與新南向的分歧與想像

Thu, 10 Mar 2022 04:10:20 GMT

title: 馬來西亞華社對一帶一路與新南向的分歧與想像 abstract: 本研究訪問馬來西亞華人研究機構、智庫、學者專家、民間社團與地方領袖，檢視在馬來西亞執行基礎建設的中國海外國企發展現況，並討論基礎建設是否讓沿線國家陷入「貸款陷阱」，形成「以中國為中心」的朝貢體系。研究發現部份中國海外國企仍頗具競爭力，不會像東印度公司瞬間消失。在中共嚴格控管下，海外國企沒有機會獨立運作成為企業汗國。面對中國外交與政治壓力時，馬來西亞政府會按照東協國家衝突經驗，採取避險或多元準確選擇策略，以政治或外交的讓步去換取經濟利益。基於中華民族的歷史情感，華人社群對中國一帶一路基礎建設多表支持態度，但對台灣新南向政策預期成效表示悲觀。因為無法加入區域經貿合作組織，台灣在推動新南向政策時陷入國家與主權的困境。不過，台灣中小企業與馬來西亞產業結構具有極高的互補性，並且已經有多起成功案例。台灣政府應記取海洋經濟史的經驗，鼓勵中小企業透過南中國海港口城市，將貨物或半成品先轉運到馬來西亞加工，再銷售到東協國家、中東與其他市場。

從中國大陸上半年度經濟數據看其「全面建成小康社會」

Wed, 23 Feb 2022 04:10:24 GMT

title: 從中國大陸上半年度經濟數據看其「全面建成小康社會」

2020 年中共中央經濟工作會議評析

Wed, 23 Feb 2022 04:10:22 GMT

title: 2020 年中共中央經濟工作會議評析

中國大陸地方與國企債務風險評析

Wed, 23 Feb 2022 04:10:19 GMT

title: 中國大陸地方與國企債務風險評析

中共地方政府對臺工作與角色

Thu, 13 Jan 2022 04:10:20 GMT

title: 中共地方政府對臺工作與角色

近期歐美各國表態「挺臺」與「抗中」局勢評析

Tue, 04 Jan 2022 04:10:39 GMT

title: 近期歐美各國表態「挺臺」與「抗中」局勢評析

中共「網絡群眾路線」的發展、實踐與意涵

Thu, 14 Oct 2021 04:10:21 GMT

title: 中共「網絡群眾路線」的發展、實踐與意涵 abstract: 情報．ネット技術は国家が社会をコントロールする力を削ぐ可能性があり、中国共産党にとってはその統治への挑戦、また重要な研究課題となる。党はIT技術と従来型の統治手法を結合させて一連の「ネット大衆路線」を編み出し、高度に多元化し、常に速やかに様々な範疇に分化していくネット社会に対応している。本論では「ネット大衆路線」の進展と実践を分析し、中国共産党が推進する大衆路線の不足分をネット技術が補っているとみる。党はネットを通じて大衆とのインターフェイスを拡大、世論収集の手段を増やし、議題設定の能力を構築した。したがって、ネットの発展はさらなる新興メディア環境への適応と世論掌握の力を党にもたらした。そこから見ると、IT技術は中国共産党の権威主義的統治を弱体化させるどころか、大衆の意見を積極的に丸めこみ押さえつける能力を強化させることとなった。資訊與網路科技可能削弱國家對社會控制能力，對中國共產黨而言是統治上的挑戰，也是一個重要的研究問題。中國共產黨結合資訊科技與傳統統治策略，揉合出了一套「網絡群眾路線」，來因應高度多元且不斷快速分化成不同部門的網路社會。本文探討「網絡群眾路線」的發展與實踐，認為網路科技補足了中共推動群眾路線之不足。藉由網路，中共可以擴大群眾接觸面、增加輿論蒐集手段、以及建立議題設定能力。因此，網路的發展讓中共更能適應新興媒體環境，掌握輿論發展。由此觀之，資訊科技並未弱化中共威權統治，反而強化中共積極攏絡與壓制群眾意見的能力。

An Evaluation of the US-China Competition in the South China Sea under Trump and Xi

Fri, 10 Sep 2021 04:10:19 GMT

title: An Evaluation of the US-China Competition in the South China Sea under Trump and Xi abstract: The U.S-China confrontations in the South China Sea have been a case regularly cited by media and scholars to evaluate whether China and the US will eventually fight a war for competing for hegemonic status. The Thucydides Trap argument proposes that the US and China are going to a hegemonic war as Chinese power continues to rise. This paper provides an evaluation of current US-China competition in the South China Sea using a rationalist approach. It argues that the US' active involvement in the South China Sea would increase the probability for China and other claimants to the sovereignty in the sea area to cooperate and decrease the likelihood of war. Empirically, the strategy shifts, national interests, as well as recent activities of China and the US in this region will be discussed to elaborate the argument. Although confrontations between the US and China have frequently arisen in the South China Sea under Xi and Trump, no sign of escalation has been seen. As such, the current US-China competition in the South China Sea should be better described as under a situation of ＂competitive coexistence＂ rather than under a Thucydides Trap.

近期澳洲與中國大陸關係評析

Fri, 23 Apr 2021 04:10:21 GMT

title: 近期澳洲與中國大陸關係評析

新冠肺炎疫情與中國的威權兩難

Wed, 06 Jan 2021 04:10:20 GMT

title: 新冠肺炎疫情與中國的威權兩難 abstract: 本文觀察2019年新冠疫情爆發後，中國的社會維穩舉措遭遇的問題，以及疫情對於中共的威權治理是否造成可能的影響。本文認為，新冠肺炎疫情讓習近平面臨的威權兩難更嚴峻。本文提出兩個主要當前中共面臨的威權兩難，包含了中央與地方代理人兩難以及社會管控與政權合法性兩難。本文認為，新冠肺炎疫情在中國與全球爆發的影響下，這兩個兩難產生的治理難題將更加明顯，特別是當中共必須一方面維持社會穩定，另一方面又必須持續促進經濟增長，在疫情下這兩個目標難以並行不悖。中國威權政權如何解決以上困境，將是其統治能否持續，以及其政權如何不受挑戰之關鍵，而新冠肺炎疫情後的中國共產黨政權，更嚴峻的威權兩難是否會導致國家社會衝突不斷，亦值得吾人持續關注。

A King stifling voices of dissent? Popular Protests and State Responses in Xi’s China

Wed, 06 Jan 2021 04:10:19 GMT

title: A King stifling voices of dissent? Popular Protests and State Responses in Xi’s China abstract: To deal with the increases in the frequency of popular protests, China's leader, Xi Jinping, has called for “innovative social governance” as a new concept to resolve social conflicts. In this study, we collect and analyze a unique dataset to compare state responses to popular protests during Xi's term and Hu's term. We find that, under Xi's rule, state repression is more frequently employed to handle social disturbances. Violent protests are significantly more likely to be repressed than nonviolent protests during both the rule of Hu and Xi, while protests that involved a population of the middle and upper classes experienced more state crackdown under Xi's rule rather than under Hu's governance. Our empirical analysis suggests that the approaches by which the Chinese government deals with social unrest have not yet been “innovative.” Instead, China still relies heavily on despotic power in the Xi era.

A Path Forward: Taiwan's New Southbound Policy amidst the US-China Trade War

Thu, 31 Dec 2020 04:10:28 GMT

title: A Path Forward: Taiwan's New Southbound Policy amidst the US-China Trade War abstract: This study reviewed the origin of Xi Jinping's Belt and Road Initiative(BRI) and how Chinese state-owned companies help build infrastructure programs for the targeted countries. The study also illustrated how Tsai Ing-wen's New Southbound Policy(NSP) is different from former President Lee Teng-hui's ＂Southbound Policy＂. The propose of NSP is deepening Taiwan's engagement in southeast Asia, South Asia, Australia and New Zealand. Subsequently Tsai's administration inaugurated 5 flagship programs and 3 prospective areas so as to reinforce the relationships with the 18 partner countries in 2016. President Tsai further proposed that they must come up with more vision-orientated and forward-looking policies in 2019. This study explored the effects of the BRI and the NSP have on the ASEAN nations' diplomatic, as well as trading relations. ASEAN nations used to adopt a hedging strategy to manage both the US and China sides' influences. ASEAN nations believed that the NSP's human resource educational programs will never rival the BRI's infrastructure plans. However, after the waves of broken windows effects caused by Malaysia, Trump's Indo-pacific strategy, and US-China trade war, the scenario has gradually changed the current political, economic and military equilibrium status of Asia-pacific and Indo-pacific regions. Creating great opportunities for the NSP to quietly build up more platforms in order to break through the encirclement of the BRI. This study suggests that the further version of NSP will adopt a more proactive approach that'll be equipped with the competing visions of the trading geostrategy. Besides enforcing diplomatic relations, the NSP should strengthen the connection with seaport cities, Taiwan business, and industrial clusters and modify the priority items according to the needs of different countries and localities.

A Year After the Anti-Extradition Bill Protest: Hong Kong as a Weapon in the US-China Competition

Thu, 17 Sep 2020 04:10:17 GMT

title: A Year After the Anti-Extradition Bill Protest: Hong Kong as a Weapon in the US-China Competition abstract: Hong Kong has played a key role in the US-China economic and strategic competition since the anti-extradition bill protests sparked disputes over the city's autonomy. The US and China use Hong Kong as a weapon to attempt to gain the upper hand in the competition. The roles of Hong Kong and Taiwan are, thus, functionally alike for China and the US - an issue that can be used to pressure each other for political and diplomatic gains. However, Hong Kong is essentially different from Taiwan in terms of autonomy, governance structure, and de facto sovereignty, which makes the US-China disputes over Hong Kong more complex. While China expects Taiwan to be a pending issue that could not be immediately resolved, it will never envisage Hong Kong's autonomy to become an unsolved problem. As such, weaponizing Hong Kong would risk fiercer confrontations between the US and China in the foreseeable future.

Building a Hyper-Stability Structure: The Mechanisms of Social Stability Maintenance in Xi’s China

Thu, 17 Sep 2020 04:10:16 GMT

title: Building a Hyper-Stability Structure: The Mechanisms of Social Stability Maintenance in Xi’s China abstract: Having been a stable authoritarian regime for more than seven decades, China is an excellent example of how authoritarian regimes can resist pressure from a rapidly transforming society. Its capacity to adapt to social change and maintain a strong hold on power has been observed by students of Chinese politics in the nature of its institutions. These include fragmented governments, decentralization, flexible governance, adaptive capacity, consultative functions, bargained mechanisms, and responsiveness. Xi Jinping’s rise to power and the introduction of information and communications technology (ICT) in recent years have brought about the evolution of the Chinese Communist Party’s methods for governing society. Changes in its governing strategy have merited a review of our understanding of the Chinese regime and inspired an investigation into how social stability is maintained in China. In this paper, we review previous descriptions of China’s authoritarianism and observe the policies the Xi regime has adopted to strengthen state power. We propose that for the purposes of social control, the Xi administration has been building a hierarchical state machine and expanding this machine to the digital sector of society, a campaign which we call “institutional autocratization.” These efforts to establish a hyper-stability structure with new technologies may indeed have strengthened Xi’s rule.

A Rural-Urban Divide? Reassessing Voting in Chinese Villagers’ Committee and Residents’ Committee Elections

Thu, 17 Sep 2020 04:10:14 GMT

title: A Rural-Urban Divide? Reassessing Voting in Chinese Villagers’ Committee and Residents’ Committee Elections abstract: While Chinese scholars, media, and writers have long reported a noteworthy rural-urban difference in political participation, the meaning of this divergence to China’s local democracy remains underexplored. This paper explores the different patterns of electoral participation between rural and urban residents. I argue that the rural zeal in elections is due to VC governments’ strong capacity to mobilize loyalists to vote in state-controlled elections, while voter apathy in urban elections is resulted from the RC governments’ lack of the equivalent power to cultivate loyalist voters. Using Chinese General Social Survey 2013 to test the argument, I find evidence that shows that in VC elections rural people are more likely to vote in state-controlled elections than are urban residents. In addition, villagers’ electoral participation has nothing to do with their democratic consciousness but is significantly associated with Party membership. In contrast, urban turnout is highly correlated with democratic consciousness but not Party membership.

Between a Rock and a Hard Place: How Lesser Powers Respond to Competing Great Powers in the Asia-Pacific Region

Tue, 30 Jun 2020 04:10:16 GMT

title: Between a Rock and a Hard Place: How Lesser Powers Respond to Competing Great Powers in the Asia-Pacific Region abstract: In comparison to hegemony, lesser powers usually struggle for survival between two or more great powers under state power asymmetry, a perpetual phenomenon in international politics. With the rise of China and the increasingly strengthening role of the US in the Asia-Pacific region, it is important to learn how lesser powers manage their relations with the two. To explore this issue, we propose that the strength of state power will constrain the strategies of lesser powers as they choose between the US and China. Borrowing from existing theories and ideas on strategies that include balancing, bandwagoning, and hedging, we argue that the stronger a country’s power, the more likely it will choose a balancing strategy. At the same time, the weaker the country, the more likely that it will go with bandwagoning. Regional middle powers will show varied strategy choices, as they possess a higher degree of freedom in choosing which great power to side with. To validate these arguments, we construct two indicators — differences in trade dependence on the US and China and differences in the voting score consistent with the US and China — to quantify the strategies of lesser powers toward great powers and examine whether the variable of strategies follows the expected pattern. Our analysis shows that countries in the middle of the spectrum of state power demonstrated great freedom in choosing strategies toward the two powers.

兩岸情勢總結與預判

Tue, 30 Jun 2020 04:10:13 GMT

title: 兩岸情勢總結與預判

兩岸關係情勢總結與預判

Sat, 28 Mar 2020 04:10:13 GMT

title: 兩岸關係情勢總結與預判

近期大陸物價上漲評析

Sat, 07 Mar 2020 04:10:14 GMT

title: 近期大陸物價上漲評析

2019 年中共中央經濟工作會議評析

Sat, 07 Mar 2020 04:10:12 GMT

title: 2019 年中共中央經濟工作會議評析

從中共19大的政治報告到「習五條」論當前中共對台政策

Thu, 05 Mar 2020 04:10:24 GMT

title: 從中共19大的政治報告到「習五條」論當前中共對台政策

Why is China Unwelcome? Cultural Alienation, Democratic Anxiety or Economic Loss in Taiwanese Resistance to China

Thu, 27 Feb 2020 04:10:15 GMT

title: Why is China Unwelcome? Cultural Alienation, Democratic Anxiety or Economic Loss in Taiwanese Resistance to China abstract: This paper explores the factors that affect Taiwanese citizens’ resistance to closer relations with China. Elements in Taiwanese society have recently exhibited a strong sense of anxiety in the face of a rising China. Distinct from the past military confrontation between China and Taiwan, more recently, Taiwanese citizens have been subject to a strengthening of cross-Strait relations and interactions, which makes their rising resistance to China puzzling. To empirically and theoretically explain why Taiwanese are resistant to closer ties with the mainland, we discuss three potential sources: cultural alienation, democratic anxiety, and economic interest. We test the effects of these three attitudinal factors on Taiwanese resistance to Chinese tourists, students, and workers using the China Impact Survey 2012 data set. The findings suggest that democratic anxiety, economic interest, and cultural alienation are all strong predictors in accounting for the public’s resistance to Chinese tourists and students, while economic interest is the most powerful factor in Taiwanese attitudes toward policies regarding Chinese workers. The findings provide important policy implications for policy makers in dealing with cross-Strait relations.

防範退役軍人維權重大風險措施評析

Thu, 27 Feb 2020 04:10:14 GMT

title: 防範退役軍人維權重大風險措施評析

從「全國兩會」管控氛圍分析中國大陸政治情勢

Thu, 27 Feb 2020 04:10:12 GMT

title: 從「全國兩會」管控氛圍分析中國大陸政治情勢

The Nature of Popular Protest and the Employment of Repressive State Capacity in China

Fri, 21 Feb 2020 04:10:13 GMT

title: The Nature of Popular Protest and the Employment of Repressive State Capacity in China abstract: While China’s economic reforms have produced undeniably positive outcomes, a rapid increase in popular protests has become most striking in recent years. As protests grow steadily in both scale and frequency, the government continues to tout social stability as the chief concern of China today. These mounting tensions reflect a direct clash of horns between the maintenance of stability and the public’s desire to exercise their rights, frequently culminating in acts of repression by the Chinese state in order to quell the unrest. This raises an important question: how can the relationship between repression and popular protest in China be characterized? More specifically, which precise circumstances of popular protest elicit the employment of China’s repressive state capacity? Taking into account both theoretical perspectives and empirical analysis, this paper attempts to elucidate the issue by first collating a large body of data to clarify the precise characteristics of popular protest, then undertaking quantitative analysis to identify which factors trigger the mobilization of China’s machinery of repression. Furthermore, this study identifies that in recent years, the use of state repression has risen in parallel with an increasing emphasis on the principle of “maintaining social stability” in China.

Choosing Democracy in China? Explaining the Choice of Electoral Rule in the Chinese Village Committee Elections

Thu, 20 Feb 2020 04:10:13 GMT

title: Choosing Democracy in China? Explaining the Choice of Electoral Rule in the Chinese Village Committee Elections abstract: We argue that the choice of electoral rules in Chinese villages results from the incentives that rural party elites face in their efforts to control electoral results. Using the rationalist approach, we propose four conditions under which they will adopt an institution that allows for electoral uncertainty: a large proportion of revenue from village-owned enterprises (VOEs), a large size of electorate, the presence of strong social groups, and frequent upper level government interventions. We use the 2011 Wukan incident to illustrate our argument. The cross-sectional analysis of survey data of 961 villages provides some evidence for the hypotheses: A larger number of labor force and frequent inspections by the upper-level government are significantly correlated with an increase of the likelihood that a village party leader allows villagers to freely nominate candidates. Theoretical and policy implications will be discussed in the end of this paper.

Against Everything Involving, China? ‘Sino-Phobia’ and Taiwan Presidential Elections

Mon, 17 Feb 2020 04:10:13 GMT

title: Against Everything Involving, China? ‘Sino-Phobia’ and Taiwan Presidential Elections abstract: In this study, we develop a measurement to evaluate the phenomenon of “Sino-phobia” in Taiwan. Taiwanese society has recently exhibited a strong anxiety about a rising China. Different from the past political and military confrontation between China and Taiwan, this skepticism grows with increasing cross-Strait interactions and exchanges. Yet, few works explain this phenomenon empirically and theoretically. Borrowing theories from political psychology, we conceptualize Sino-phobia as a mutually correlated combination of perceptual, emotional, and attitudinal responses toward China. With this theoretical framework in mind, a confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) model is applied to test our hypotheses using the China Impact Survey 2012 data set. Our findings suggest that the latent concept of Sino-phobia contains three theoretical aspects: perception of China, anxiety about China’s influence, and antagonistic attitudes toward China. Additional analysis shows that Sino-phobia independently affects vote choice in the 2012 Taiwan’s presidential election. By developing and measuring a new concept of Sino-phobia, this paper is intended to make contributions to literature on the China factor and Taiwan politics.

中共「國進民退」政策對市場經濟與社會問題的衝擊與影響

Tue, 24 Sep 2019 04:10:16 GMT

title: 中共「國進民退」政策對市場經濟與社會問題的衝擊與影響

South Korean Industrial Development in Transformation: From Developmental State Model to Balanced Strategy?

Tue, 18 Jun 2019 04:10:16 GMT

title: South Korean Industrial Development in Transformation: From Developmental State Model to Balanced Strategy? abstract: This paper aims to examine whether the industrial development of South Korea has been transformed from the state-led developmental model towards the new balanced model as anticipated by the government after the 1997 Asian financial crisis. The new role of the state would surely transform under the new development model. However, the academic debate on what has been changed and its effectiveness remains. Our main research question is: in the pursuit of social equity and balanced development, has the role of the Korean state as well as institutional arrangements shifted? What factors influence the outcomes and obstacles? In summary, the South Korea state altered its role to decentralize resources to various private actors and delegate regional government and local agents, such as technology parks, research institutions, and universities. This initiative aims to promote endogenous growth through a bottom- up approach. Particularly, the approach for financial funding and technology transfer were derived from the United States neo-liberal method, namely, Silicon Valley model. However, the outcomes deviated from those expected. We conclude that path-dependent factors, such as chaebol-monopolized industrial structure and political cronyism issues, hinder the intent of such transformation.

人民幣國際化進展之分析

Tue, 18 Jun 2019 04:10:13 GMT

title: 人民幣國際化進展之分析

Between American and Chinese Hegemonies: Economic Dependence, Norm Diffusion, and Taiwan's Press Freedom

Sat, 30 Mar 2019 04:10:31 GMT

title: Between American and Chinese Hegemonies: Economic Dependence, Norm Diffusion, and Taiwan's Press Freedom abstract: This article provides an international-political-economy explanation of the development and degradation of Taiwan's press freedom from 1988 to 2016. It argues that Taiwan tends to have more press freedom when it depends economically on a liberal hegemon (such as the United States) and less press freedom when it depends upon a repressive hegemon (such as China). The underlying mechanism is norm diffusion in which local state–business elites introduce media norms from the hegemon and institutionalise them in Taiwan. The Taiwan case implies that transnational economic linkages do not always bring about domestic improvements in human rights, but may damage them when relations of economic interdependence involve powerful authoritarian countries, and that norms may diffuse not only from liberal contexts to repressive states, but also from powerful authoritarian countries to weaker liberal countries.

川普的經貿大棍—美中貿易戰迫近？

Sat, 30 Mar 2019 04:10:29 GMT

title: 川普的經貿大棍—美中貿易戰迫近？

中美貿易戰煙硝下RCEP的談判進程

Sat, 30 Mar 2019 04:10:27 GMT

title: 中美貿易戰煙硝下RCEP的談判進程

中共十九大報告：新時代的積極內外戰略與對臺訊息

Sat, 30 Mar 2019 04:10:25 GMT

title: 中共十九大報告：新時代的積極內外戰略與對臺訊息

中共「十九大」後亞太經貿戰略的佈局與挑戰

Sat, 30 Mar 2019 04:10:24 GMT

title: 中共「十九大」後亞太經貿戰略的佈局與挑戰

The Aspects and Challenges of China-Southeast Asia Economic Cooperation

Sat, 30 Mar 2019 04:10:22 GMT

title: The Aspects and Challenges of China-Southeast Asia Economic Cooperation

中國大陸-東協經貿關係的開展與限制：經濟外交觀點的評析

Sat, 30 Mar 2019 04:10:20 GMT

title: 中國大陸-東協經貿關係的開展與限制：經濟外交觀點的評析 abstract: 中國大陸與東協國家間經貿關係增長快速，除彼此均有因應內部發展擴展市場的需求，也有以強化經濟穩定政治關係的戰略動機，而中國大陸積極的經濟外交作為更是主要的推動力。綜觀中國大陸對東南亞國家經貿關係的發展有以下特色：以「經濟外交」為引，維護「經濟安全」為主、「以經促政」為過程、拓展「戰略安全」為目標。中國大陸對東協國家的經貿外交戰略可約略歸諸於以下層面：經貿投資外交重區域多邊協議的推動、順應「東協＋x」的「東協中心性」模式，在金融援建外交上，傾以具單邊主導性的倡議，分別與一或數個東協國家進行投資或基建設施的合作。除了正向性經貿的合作，經濟制裁也可能成為中國大陸開展對外關係的手段措施。分析東協國家與中國大陸加大經濟合作的過程中，面對中國大陸經濟量體的擴張、對中經濟依賴、及中國大陸施以經濟壓力以促政經標的可能性的攀升，使東南亞國家內部團體、政策精英慮疑對政治、經濟安全甚至主權的負面影響，遂有如下因應措施。一是東協國家內部對中經濟關係的增幅擴大，仍持謹慎態度或甚有檢討聲浪，二是其經貿投資策略，依然持續其「多元化開放」、同步強化「東協中心性」的策略，避免經貿關係過度集中依賴產生外溢性。這也使中國大陸經濟外交在「以政促經」、「以經促政」的開展受到限制，在經貿外交、金融信貸、基建外交等區域或雙邊層次的推進，面臨一定的挑戰。觀諸中國大陸與東協國家經濟關係發展的變動，經濟外交、經濟安全的理論概念有助理解雙方經貿的開展與限制之處。