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    <title>DSpace collection: 期刊論文</title>
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      <title>日米中「三国志」の新時代(1)</title>
      <link>https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/129314</link>
      <description>title: 日米中「三国志」の新時代(1)</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 02 Jun 2026 04:05:17 GMT</pubDate>
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      <title>Sustaining digital health engagement in emerging markets: a telemedicine study in post-COVID-19 Indonesia</title>
      <link>https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/128599</link>
      <description>title: Sustaining digital health engagement in emerging markets: a telemedicine study in post-COVID-19 Indonesia</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 06 Mar 2026 04:07:18 GMT</pubDate>
    </item>
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      <title>Under the Threat of Trump's Tariff War: Japan's Response Strategy and  Diplomatic Outlook</title>
      <link>https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/128598</link>
      <description>title: Under the Threat of Trump's Tariff War: Japan's Response Strategy and  Diplomatic Outlook abstract: Since Donald Trump returned to the White House on January 20, 2025, he has consistently elevated the issue of tariffs to a national security level, attempting to reorganize the global political and economic order as a demonstration of his approach to diplomacy. On April 2, in a speech at the White House Rose Garden, Trump announced a brand new dual-layer tariff system, officially designating it as the "Liberation Day" tariffs. The new tariff measures have clearly indicated Trump's strategic intent to reshape the global political and economic order and the international trade system. This intention has become evident through the process of U.S.-Japan tariff negotiations. Trump's tariff war has not only had a profound impact on the Japanese economy, but Japan is already on high alert, fearful of the potential future consequences and impacts. This article analyzes the motives behind Trump's tariff war and how Japan should prudently respond to Trump's negotiation tactics and pace.
&lt;br&gt;</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 06 Mar 2026 04:07:15 GMT</pubDate>
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    <item>
      <title>Selective engagement under exclusion: Taiwan's state and corporate ESG and SDG strategies.</title>
      <link>https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/128559</link>
      <description>title: Selective engagement under exclusion: Taiwan's state and corporate ESG and SDG strategies. abstract: Taiwan engages with global sustainability frameworks through selective participation, outside UN-based institutions. This article explains why a politically limited yet economically central actor invests in Environmental, Social, and Governance (ESG) standards and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), and how functional participation creates opportunities for action without treaty-based participation. Using a dual-level approach, it combines a qualitative, theory-informed analysis of state engagement with a systematic content analysis of ESG reporting by ten Taiwanese firms. The findings reveal a consistent asymmetry in issue areas. At the state level, Taiwan prioritises climate-related visibility and technical alignment, including emissions targets aligned with the Paris Agreement, a 2050 net-zero commitment, and indirect involvement with UNFCCC processes through side events and public–private platforms. Conversely, labour governance is approached more cautiously via low-profile, non-binding channels rather than rights-focused supervisory frameworks. Corporate communication reflects this pattern: environmental disclosure is extensive and standardised, while social and governance reporting is more selective and tailored to external exposure and regulatory pressure. The article demonstrates how selective engagement functions as a strategy for managing regime complexity within fragmented governance arrangements, producing internationally recognisable alignment through standards, disclosure, and risk management.
&lt;br&gt;</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 05 Mar 2026 04:09:42 GMT</pubDate>
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    <item>
      <title>Can Like-Mindedness Sustain Order? Legal Diplomacy and Strategic Alignment in EU Foreign Policy</title>
      <link>https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/128558</link>
      <description>title: Can Like-Mindedness Sustain Order? Legal Diplomacy and Strategic Alignment in EU Foreign Policy abstract: As multilateralism erodes and global governance becomes increasingly fragmented, the European Union (EU) has embraced like-mindedness as a guiding principle in its external legal and diplomatic engagement. While widely invoked in EU discourse, the concept lacks analytical precision. This article develops a realist-constructivist framework to conceptualize like-mindedness as both a normative identity marker and a strategic filter for cooperation. Focusing on sectoral agreements with advanced middle powers – such as digital partnerships, climate compacts, and collaboration on critical raw materials (CRMs) – the article demonstrates how the EU operationalizes like-mindedness through modular legal frameworks that balance values with interests. These flexible arrangements promote regulatory alignment, supply chain security, and geopolitical resilience without requiring full multilateral consensus. Case studies from East Asia, South America, and the Indo-Pacific illustrate how legal diplomacy enables differentiated integration with strategic partners amid normative divergence and institutional ambiguity. The article argues that, when grounded in defined principles and linked to strategic objectives, likemindedness can sustain the EU’s external action and legal influence in a multipolar world.
&lt;br&gt;</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 05 Mar 2026 04:09:37 GMT</pubDate>
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      <title>From Trade Liberalism to Resource Sovereignty: Paradigm Change in Global Raw Materials Governance</title>
      <link>https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/128283</link>
      <description>title: From Trade Liberalism to Resource Sovereignty: Paradigm Change in Global Raw Materials Governance abstract: Global raw materials governance is experiencing a paradigm shift. Long rooted in liberal trade norms and multilateral enforcement, the liberal trading regime faces mounting challenges from sovereignty-based strategies, legal defiance, and normative fragmentation. Drawing on Peter Hall’s typology of policy change and Finnemore and Sikkink’s model of norm emergence and internalization, this article frames the shift as a multi-level process: moving from first-order policy adjustments to second-order institutional strain, and ultimately to third-order redefinitions of trade’s purpose and legitimacy. The article empirically examines three sites of contestation: China’s rare earth export restrictions, Indonesia’s rejection of WTO rulings on nickel (DS592), and the European Union’s expanding use of non-binding Memoranda of Understanding (MoU) in its external raw materials strategy. While MoUs do not replace Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs), their normative focus on sustainability, value addition, local processing, and negotiated sovereignty signals a strategic realignment aimed at de-risking from China. This article uses process tracing and document analysis to show how contested norms around development, sovereignty, and fair trade reshape global trade instruments. It contributes to trade law and international political economy by highlighting how soft law and strategic diplomacy drive the emergence of a post-liberal resource governance regime.
&lt;br&gt;</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 09 Dec 2025 04:05:17 GMT</pubDate>
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      <title>Constrained Agency and Symbolic Power: Taiwan’s Arctic Science Diplomacy Under Geopolitical Tension</title>
      <link>https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/128259</link>
      <description>title: Constrained Agency and Symbolic Power: Taiwan’s Arctic Science Diplomacy Under Geopolitical Tension abstract: Taiwan’s role in Arctic science diplomacy shows how a diplomatically limited actor can turn restricted agency into symbolic influence. Although excluded from formal Arctic governance, Taiwan has built a modest yet strategically significant presence through scientific collaboration, knowledge exchange, and selective partnerships with democratic middle powers. Based on interviews, institutional documents, and recent literature, this study traces developments from 2021 to 2025, including Taiwan’s participation in German- and Polish-led research programs and its 2025 entry into the University of the Arctic. These small but cumulative efforts boost legitimacy through association, allow participation without formal recognition, and reflect Taiwan’s broader shift from status-seeking diplomacy to technical and value-based engagement. Using a realist-constructivist perspective, the analysis interprets Taiwan’s Arctic activities as expressions of limited agency and symbolic power amid U.S.–China rivalry and post-2022 disruptions in Arctic governance.
&lt;br&gt;</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 27 Nov 2025 04:05:45 GMT</pubDate>
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      <title>日本の外務省公文書から見た 1969 年日米共同声明への台湾の記載経緯</title>
      <link>https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/128107</link>
      <description>title: 日本の外務省公文書から見た 1969 年日米共同声明への台湾の記載経緯 abstract: 2021年4月中旬、日本の各大手メディアは菅義偉首相とバイデン大統領の「日米共同声明」を「台湾」の二文字を一面に掲載して報じ、52年前の佐藤総理．ニクソン米大統領の「日米共同声明」の形式を継承した「二度目」の共同発表だと強調した。1969年11月当時、佐藤総理とニクソン大統領が米国首脳会議後に発表した同声明において、「初めて」台湾の二文字を盛り込んだ点は興味深い。更に、2022年は沖縄の本土復帰50周年に当たる。日米両国が沖縄の復帰問題を議論した当時、米国は、沖縄の本土復帰後、西太平洋の第一列島線の安全保障が沖縄の在日米軍基地の使用に問題を生じさせないか、また台湾海峡の防衛問題についても日本と議論せざるを得なくなるのではないかといった問題のほか、佐藤総理が中国問題に対処する場合の対台湾政策はどのようなものか、そして米国の圧力の下、佐藤総理がとり得る対応策とはいかなるものかといった点を憂慮しており、これらの問題を本論の焦点として論じる。
&lt;br&gt;</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 08 Oct 2025 06:43:09 GMT</pubDate>
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      <title>From resolutions to action: how parliamentary diplomacy shapes EU foreign policy towards Taiwan</title>
      <link>https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/127821</link>
      <description>title: From resolutions to action: how parliamentary diplomacy shapes EU foreign policy towards Taiwan abstract: This paper examines the increasing role of European parliamentary diplomacy (PD) in shaping EU foreign policy towards Taiwan amidst rising geopolitical tensions and recent corruption scandals. It analyses how PD, through mechanisms such as cross-loading, promotes the Europeanisation of EU foreign policy and member states’ positions regarding Taiwan. The study employs Claudio M. Radaelli’s Europeanisation framework to illustrate how PD contributes to constructing, diffusing, and institutionalizing formal and informal EU practices. Cross-loading is crucial for facilitating exchanges between EU and national parliamentary actors, thus enhancing the diffusion of policy ideas and coordination among like-minded member states. The analysis reveals that while Europeanisation primarily functions through horizontal mechanisms like cross-loading, PD bolsters the EU’s normative influence in foreign affairs, increasing visibility and fostering stronger bilateral ties, particularly with Taiwan. The study evaluates the impacts of PD on EU-Taiwan relations, demonstrating its role in promoting the Europeanisation of EU foreign policy and aligning member states’ foreign agendas. The paper concludes that despite recent challenges, parliamentary friendship groups and cross-loading are essential for advancing the EU’s foreign policy objectives and enhancing its external influence, especially with democratic partners like Taiwan.
&lt;br&gt;</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 18 Sep 2025 04:07:00 GMT</pubDate>
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      <title>Advancing Taiwan's Semiconductor Industry: Capitalizing on its Comparative Advantage at the Global, Regional and Firm Levels</title>
      <link>https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/126369</link>
      <description>title: Advancing Taiwan's Semiconductor Industry: Capitalizing on its Comparative Advantage at the Global, Regional and Firm Levels abstract: Taiwan's substantial growth in the 21st century is primarily driven by its production of crucial semiconductors, essential for the Fourth Industrial Revolution, technological advancements, and military enhancements. This prominence has positioned Taiwan as a vital player in the global semiconductor industry. This paper argues that Taiwan's semiconductor success is not only due to its strategic partnerships, especially with Silicon Valley, but also its comparative advantages in industrial, institutional, and firm-level aspects as part of a catch-up strategy. The study explores Taiwan’s trajectory in semiconductor development, analyzing its competitive edge through the lenses of catch-up theories, global production networks and value chains, industrial clusters, and geopolitical factors. It concludes that Taiwan's competitive edge is shaped by state-driven institutional and industrial advantages and by firms' fast-follower strategies. These advantages are embedded within the global high-tech division of labor and supported by the regional network of the Hsinchu Science and Industrial Park, which facilitates pooled human resources, technological transfer, collaborative vertical division of labor, and complementary industries. Recent geopolitical tensions have reinforced the semiconductor alliance, pushing TSMC to expand globally. While this expansion enhances collaboration, it also increases competition and challenges. Nonetheless, Taiwan's semiconductor dominance, based on these advantages, remains difficult to replicate elsewhere.
&lt;br&gt;</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 08 Oct 2024 04:06:04 GMT</pubDate>
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      <title>日本型リスクマネジメント</title>
      <link>https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/125943</link>
      <description>title: 日本型リスクマネジメント</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 13 Aug 2024 04:05:22 GMT</pubDate>
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      <title>垂直的戦略提携の発展プロセス</title>
      <link>https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/125940</link>
      <description>title: 垂直的戦略提携の発展プロセス</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 12 Aug 2024 04:05:36 GMT</pubDate>
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      <title>垂直的戦略提携の現状と課題</title>
      <link>https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/125939</link>
      <description>title: 垂直的戦略提携の現状と課題</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 12 Aug 2024 04:05:32 GMT</pubDate>
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      <title>Peru's Geostrategic Evolution:  Navigating Geoeconomic Potential and  Geopolitical Realities in  Asia-Pacific Integration.</title>
      <link>https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/125763</link>
      <description>title: Peru's Geostrategic Evolution:  Navigating Geoeconomic Potential and  Geopolitical Realities in  Asia-Pacific Integration.</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 31 Jul 2024 04:12:20 GMT</pubDate>
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      <title>美中貿易戰後的國際結構： 政治兩極化會造成貿易關係兩極化嗎？</title>
      <link>https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/125762</link>
      <description>title: 美中貿易戰後的國際結構： 政治兩極化會造成貿易關係兩極化嗎？ abstract: 美中貿易戰宣告了美國與中國在國際政治的競爭局勢正式展開，2019年後的疫情更形加劇了兩國彼此的競爭關係。然而，美中對立下新冷戰的政治兩極化一定會造成國際貿易關係的兩極化嗎？世界各國真的會各自歸隊，在美國與中國之間擇一而處，形成兩極對立的局勢嗎？還是口頭上與行為上有差異，仍然依照國家自身的利益分別和美國和中國進行實質上的往來。本文即探討這個問題，比較美中貿易戰前後，國際貿易局勢的變化到底是趨向兩極化還是非兩極化。本文認為，新冷戰的局勢下，美中對立造成的政治兩極化無法避免，但政治兩極化不等於貿易關係兩極化，本文透過威脅平衡論的觀點，說明在缺乏安全議題誘因與貿易結構的兩大因素影響下，後美中貿易戰時代的國際結構將呈現政治兩極化，但貿易多元化的局面。
&lt;br&gt;</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 31 Jul 2024 04:12:18 GMT</pubDate>
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      <title>Seeing the State: Witnessing Human Rights in Southeast Asia</title>
      <link>https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/125233</link>
      <description>title: Seeing the State: Witnessing Human Rights in Southeast Asia abstract: Southeast Asia has some of the harshest anti-drug laws in the world. In this article I will be discussing the human toll of the so-called drug wars by looking at two specific states namely, Singapore and the Philippines. By highlighting the use of the death penalty in the former and extra judicial killings in the latter, I aim to bring to the fore issues of governmentality and the use of values in the pursuit of a 'clean' drug free environment. I will then contrast this with the plight of those most affected by this through the works of groups documenting the human face of these wars. By doing this I state that the power of witnessing and of the individual narrative will blunt the force of statist violence perpetrated in the name of its citizens.
&lt;br&gt;</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 08 Mar 2024 04:07:41 GMT</pubDate>
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      <title>Bringing in the Body: Personhood in the Shadow of the Death Penalty</title>
      <link>https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/125232</link>
      <description>title: Bringing in the Body: Personhood in the Shadow of the Death Penalty abstract: In certain countries, the death penalty is used to punish individual criminals or those society deems to be undesirable. However, I state all individuals are 'storied' carrying with them complex narratives which go beyond simple labels. Thus, I state in this paper that there is a need to 'humanise' those on death row and to bring to light an acknowledgement of their personhood. I rely on an interview conducted with a photographer who specialises in images of death-row inmates as well as research from an organisation which emphasises on the need for a 'biopsychosocial' approach. Doing so allows us to ponder deeper questions as to the efficacy of capital punishment and whether its constant use is an indication of the failure of the state and of society to protect its most vulnerable members.
&lt;br&gt;</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 08 Mar 2024 04:07:40 GMT</pubDate>
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      <title>The Perpetrator's Allegory: Historical Memories and the killings of 1965</title>
      <link>https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/125231</link>
      <description>title: The Perpetrator's Allegory: Historical Memories and the killings of 1965 abstract: Joshua Oppenheimer's diptych on the legacy of the 1965 anti-communist killings in Indonesia provides scholars and researchers with insights into the lives of the victims and the so-called perpetrators. Several publications and academic volumes have sprung forth from this but remain still ham-strung as that their analysis remains tied to that of Oppenheimer's production. I propose to build on these discussions by asking: how do these perpetrators remember the killings of 1965? From a preliminary analysis of data available, I posit that there is a certain level of 'ambivalence' over the roles they have played in the killings. As such, I posit that these supposedly 'evil-doers' suffer from a form of trauma and therefore complicates our categories of perpetrator, victim and bystander. In my paper, I also state that we can also glean from investigating perpetrator narratives, Indonesia's troubled path in dealing with a violent past. This paper will rely on oral interviews as well as media clippings from various sources in Indonesian. Perpetrators of the 1965 killings in Indonesia violated fundamental religious and social norms. In this article I explore their memories of those events, as revealed in their narratives and oral statements many years later.
&lt;br&gt;</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 08 Mar 2024 04:07:39 GMT</pubDate>
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      <title>一個人權道德基礎理論：台灣社會死刑意向道德基礎初探</title>
      <link>https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/125230</link>
      <description>title: 一個人權道德基礎理論：台灣社會死刑意向道德基礎初探 abstract: 本篇論文是一篇人權政治理論的論文，我們試著回答，我們該如何促進人們心理上對人權的實際支持。為了回答這個問題，我們建議我們需要了解人權的社會論述和個人心理機制的關係。因此我們提出一個解釋人權意向的道德基礎理論框架。這個框架結合了喬納森．海特（Jonathan Haidt）等人提出的道德基礎理論以及丹．麥亞當斯（Dan P. McAdams）的三階層人格理論。我們試圖以這個框架描繪從人權事件發生到形塑人權意向的心理機制和過程。為了進一步說明這個理論框架的用處，我們以一個特定的人權議題－死刑－為例，分析了八種死刑相關的社會論述，探討了死刑社會論述、道德基礎和死刑意向的關係。我們的理論指出我們需要特定社會的道德基礎分布，特別是道德基礎的子面向，才能知道這個社會的道德基礎和死刑意向的關係。因此我們進一步試著透過經驗資料探討我們的理論。我們以海特等人發展出來的道德基礎問卷為基礎，以台灣社會為母體，設計了一個電話調查訪問的道德基礎問卷。我們分析了電訪獲得的資料，指出台灣社會作為東亞社會的死刑社會論述和道德基礎子面向的特殊性。我們最後提供了廢死運動一些論述策略建議。
&lt;br&gt;</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 08 Mar 2024 04:07:36 GMT</pubDate>
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      <title>後安倍時期日本島鏈防衛力 整備的戰略構想 ─ 以日本增強西南群島飛彈防禦能力 觀察其離島防衛體系的變化</title>
      <link>https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/125091</link>
      <description>title: 後安倍時期日本島鏈防衛力 整備的戰略構想 ─ 以日本增強西南群島飛彈防禦能力 觀察其離島防衛體系的變化</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 26 Feb 2024 04:05:14 GMT</pubDate>
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      <title>聯合國相關人權條約與日本國內法之研究--對日本入管法的檢討</title>
      <link>https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/124135</link>
      <description>title: 聯合國相關人權條約與日本國內法之研究--對日本入管法的檢討 abstract: 國際法上，條約的締約當事國，雖負有誠實遵守條約的義務，但上述的義務，在國內的法秩序中具體上是如何進行？則委諸於各國決定。上述的決定，由於各國的憲法體制各自不同，因此在國內法上履行國際法上的義務，亦有極大的差異。此外，既然批准乃至加入條約，締約當事國，在條約的批准乃至加入時，理所當然地，條約的批准乃至加入後，亦持續地負有的義務是，為著不產生條約的違反，採取修正國內法令的立法措施。再者，大多數的人權條約，對於條約上的權利受到侵害的個人，皆規定應確保包括司法救濟手段在內的有效的救濟。在如同日本，條約具有國內法效力的國家中，人權條約的規範，即使對作為國家機關的司法機關而言，已是有效的法規範，因此司法機關，根據權利救濟相關條約的規定，被要求賦予對於條約上的權利侵害給予有效的救濟。法院，在人權條約規定違反主張被成為爭議點時，對此加以詳細查證，若有違反時，亦有責任性義務確保適切的救濟手段。本文將針對條約在日本國內法中的序列，並指出一般性的論述後，檢討國際人權法中的「強制驅離與不遣返原則、「強制驅離、居留特別許可與家族生活的保護」、「在入國管理程序上，接受人道待遇的權利、不受恣意性收容的權利、關於收容合法性接受司法審查的權利」與日本「出入國管理及難民認定法」（以下簡稱為「入管法」）之間的法問題後，鑑於上述四項的法問題，可對台灣目前在缺乏難民法制的現狀下，在審議與訂定相關立法時，有比較法的參考價值，因此最後於結語中提出「對台灣的啓示」。
&lt;br&gt;</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 01 Jun 2023 04:05:20 GMT</pubDate>
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      <title>Putin’s War and Shifts in the European Union-Russia-China Strategic Triangle: Quo vadis Eurasian Connectivity?</title>
      <link>https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/123423</link>
      <description>title: Putin’s War and Shifts in the European Union-Russia-China Strategic Triangle: Quo vadis Eurasian Connectivity? abstract: This article uses the lens of the strategic triangle to explore the connectivity interactions between the European Union (EU), Russia and China before and after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. Since 2004, the EU’s economic dynamics have moved to its Eastern peripheries. Since 2013, China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), moving westwards, has shortened the distance between Europe and China. Russia benefitted from its energy exports to both Eurasian powerhouses and began to build up the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). However, after Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014, struggling with weak economic performance, Russia played the peripheral role of resource supplier in the EU’s and China’s increasing Eurasian connectedness. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, a response to its self-inflicted weakness, challenges the Eurasian dimension of the BRI. The EU’s regulatory liberal capitalism, Russia’s territorial aspirations in the post-Soviet space, and China’s distributive state capitalism are incompatible with the EU’s connectivity approaches. The EU turned Eurasian connectivity sectors into sanction mechanisms in response to Russia’s war. Hence, the question: Quo vadis Eurasian connectivity? The paper’s methodological approach, more interpretative than data-driven, derives from the neoclassical realism perspective, tracing these strategic triangle dynamics. An emerging East-West Southern Route circumventing Russia and a Russia-instigated North-South Axis of Eurasian connectivity from the Arctic to South Asia might partly replace the trans-Russian East-West dynamics.
&lt;br&gt;</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 28 Apr 2023 10:01:00 GMT</pubDate>
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      <title>中國大陸對拉丁美洲經濟國策及其在西半球影響力之研究</title>
      <link>https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/123422</link>
      <description>title: 中國大陸對拉丁美洲經濟國策及其在西半球影響力之研究 abstract: 二十一世紀，中國大陸 ( 下稱大陸 ) 崛起及其對原材料的強大需求，促使大陸走向資源豐富的拉美國家，並發展出深厚的經貿關係。儘管雙方關係中「經濟」是主軸，但也隱含「南 - 南合作」對抗美國在西半球霸權地位的地緣戰略野心。本文目的在探討大陸對拉丁美洲的「經濟國策」，&#xD;
及其在西半球影響力的擴張。本文在地緣經濟學和「經濟國策」概念上，回顧二十年雙方關係發展，並提出大陸在拉丁美洲「經濟國策」四個階段，探討各階段目的、主軸及影響力。研究結論指出，大陸經濟國策確實增強其在拉美區域的經濟影響力，但這部分仍是肇因於區域公共財交付的失敗。未來，大陸累積的經濟影響力能否轉換成足以挑戰美國的政治影響力，仍存在不確定性。主因是受制於第二波「粉紅浪潮」的政治態度、區域經濟前景，以及美國重新導向拉美外交政策等多重因素影響。
&lt;br&gt;</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 28 Apr 2023 10:00:59 GMT</pubDate>
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      <title>Exploring Sino-Russian-Nordics triangular relations: complex balancing along the Polar Silk Road</title>
      <link>https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/123421</link>
      <description>title: Exploring Sino-Russian-Nordics triangular relations: complex balancing along the Polar Silk Road abstract: The megatrends of climate change, China’s Belt and Road Initiative, and the Western sanctions against Russia have made the once calm Arctic an arena of geopolitical competition. Before the Crimea crisis of 2014, the Nordics were the primary advocates for a Chinese role in the Arctic when Russia was still hesitant. In 2017 Russia and China agreed to build a Polar Silk Road along the Northern Sea Route, which complements China’s 21st Century Maritime Silk Road plans. Russia financially depends on China for its aspirational Arctic plans. Meanwhile, China increasingly perceives the five Nordic states as a unit to negotiate projects under the Belt and Road Initiative and suggested a 5 + 1 format. Thus, China’s rising Arctic presence made the age-old Nordics-Russia relations triangular.
What does the Sino-Russian strategic partnership mean for the Nordics’ preference formation concerning the Polar Silk Road? This paper traces the triangular ties before and after the Crimea crisis and finds that the actors switched from liberal towards defensive neorealist perspectives. The Nordics have become worried about the Sino-Russian Arctic honeymoon, Russia’s Arctic military assertiveness and China’s intentions. As the triangular links are out-of-balance, the Nordics might apply complex balancing to achieve collective goods along the Northern Sea Route.
&lt;br&gt;</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 28 Apr 2023 10:00:57 GMT</pubDate>
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      <title>China's impact on the European Union's Arctic policy: critical junctures, crossovers, and geographic shifts</title>
      <link>https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/123420</link>
      <description>title: China's impact on the European Union's Arctic policy: critical junctures, crossovers, and geographic shifts abstract: In 2008, the European Commission perceived the European Union (EU) in an excellent position to collaborate with the five Euro-Arctic states and its strategic partners Canada, Russia, and the USA to shape Arctic governance in the fast-changing environment. However, the Arctic coastal states rejected the EU’s multilateral governance approach, while China has emerged as a significant factor in the Arctic. In 2018, China announced the Polar Silk Road to connect East Asia with Europe via Arctic shipping and other connectivity projects. In 2019, the EU started to perceive China as a systemic rival concerning the Belt and Road Initiative. What is the impact of China on the EU’s Arctic policies in the Euro-Arctic environment? What are the prospects for collaboration between the EU and China on joint issues? This paper applies process tracing to analyse China’s and the EU’s Arctic socialization in the early twenty-first century at three critical junctures of Arctic politics. At these junctures, the paper introduces the Arctic situation and the emerging problems, development in agenda setting, the policy processes, and the outcomes of the EU’s and China’s Arctic approaches. It argues that China’s rise as a maritime and Arctic power and its close relations with Russia along the Northern Sea Route shaped the EU’s Arctic policies and their shift towards the Barents sub-Arctic region. Implications are more interaction among both there, as China’s Polar Silk Road might also challenge the EU’s regulatory approach in the Euro-Arctic.
&lt;br&gt;</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 28 Apr 2023 10:00:55 GMT</pubDate>
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      <title>Keepers of the Grave: Ritual Guides, Ghosts, and Hidden Narratives in Indonesian History</title>
      <link>https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/123419</link>
      <description>title: Keepers of the Grave: Ritual Guides, Ghosts, and Hidden Narratives in Indonesian History abstract: The 1965 killings in Indonesia brought about the incarceration, disappearances, and deaths of 500,000 to one million alleged members of the Indonesian Communist Party. This article concentrates on several suspected mass graves in Central Java reputed to have supernatural energy emanating from the violent deaths of the individuals buried there. These sites also have gatekeepers or juru kunci bridging the living and the spirits inhabiting these spaces. This research asks, How do these sites, through their juru kunci, elucidate a past which continues to be silenced? I posit that through contact with the souls of the executed, these gatekeepers utilize an ethereal connection to subvert the state’s enforced silence. These sites also provide a ritual space transforming these ghosts into ancestors worthy of remembrance. By reclaiming the identities of those murdered, the living and the dead can achieve a kind of localized spiritual reconciliation.
&lt;br&gt;</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 28 Apr 2023 10:00:54 GMT</pubDate>
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      <title>脫日本‧超アメりカ的経営-日米企業の一連の不祥事を中心として-</title>
      <link>https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/123418</link>
      <description>title: 脫日本‧超アメりカ的経営-日米企業の一連の不祥事を中心として- abstract: アメリカ的経営はいつも日本企業の手本である。日本の学者や経営者はずっと日米経営の差異を議論してきた（加護野他、1997；八城、2000）。もちろん、どんな経営手法にも問題があり、他人の長所が必ずしも自らの企業体質に合うとは限らないが、日本の長引く不況と90年代のアメリカ経済の繁栄に伴って、グローバル･スタンダードという名のアメリカ的経営の見方に傾く議論が多くなった（糸瀬、1998；蔡、2002）。アメリカ的経営が礼賛される一方、米通信大手2位のワールドコムの不正経理疑惑･破たんはアメリカ的経営の不完全さを示すものだった。確かに、アメリカ的経営は短期志向の弊害を生じたが、腐ったリンゴを除去するという自浄作用について言えば今後も日本企業の手本であり続けることは間違いない。現在、アメリカ企業はどこが悪かったか、失敗の再発をどう防げばいいかを必死に検証している。日本企業はアメリカ的経営を批判する同時に、後発としてアメリカ企業の失敗を学習すべきではないか。
&lt;br&gt;</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 28 Apr 2023 10:00:52 GMT</pubDate>
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      <title>Recent Developments in Relations Between Visegrád  Group Countries and Taiwan Explained (2018-2022)</title>
      <link>https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/122651</link>
      <description>title: Recent Developments in Relations Between Visegrád  Group Countries and Taiwan Explained (2018-2022) abstract: The Taiwanese media and public have recently paid growing attention to the countries in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). Taipei’s efforts to develop ties with Lithuania and the Czech Republic, as well as Poland and Slovakia, have become a hot topic. Headlines in the press lauded each related event: “Lithuania Shows Blueprint to Oppose China,” “Taiwan and Poland Tied by Love of Democracy,” “The New Czech Foreign Minister Calls Taiwan Important Economic Partner ‘Taiwan is Several Times More Important than China.’” Despite some titles showing more restraint, in general, expectations regarding Taiwan – CEE cooperation seem to be high. This article attempts to explain the most recent developments in relations between selected Central and Eastern European countries (CEEC) towards Taiwan. It looks at the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia — the four members of the Visegrád Group (Visegrád Four, later V4) — an alliance formed in 1991 by the countries of Central Europe to advance cooperation on issues of common interest. It traces their foreign policy choices concerning relations with China and Taiwan since the end of the Cold War, inquiries into the decisive factors behind them, and examines the static and changing elements in their relations with both Asian partners. Finally, it provides policy recommendations.
&lt;br&gt;</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 14 Apr 2022 04:12:07 GMT</pubDate>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>How Does the Belt and Road Initiative Shape ASEAN? China's Dual Track Approach Under Strategic Interdependence</title>
      <link>https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/122580</link>
      <description>title: How Does the Belt and Road Initiative Shape ASEAN? China's Dual Track Approach Under Strategic Interdependence abstract: In 2013, China's Premier Li Keqiang announced the ten-year plan for a "diamond decade", and President Xi Jinping announced the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road to expand further relations with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Scholars have explored China's motives and whether the BRI serves as a public good to foster ASEAN connectivity or Beijing's economic and geopolitical interests. Based on data of more than 440 China-backed investments with above US$100 million in four essential BRI sectors since 2005, collected by the China Global Investment Tracker (CGIT), this article upends the BRI to investigate how it shapes China-ASEAN relations. It argues that China engages in a two-track approach with less essential public diplomacy on the first track and the actual implementation procedures under strategic interdependence on the second bilateral track, thus implying contradictory trends for the bloc's development and China-ASEAN relations.
&lt;br&gt;</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 14 Mar 2022 04:11:15 GMT</pubDate>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Filling in the Gaps: Remembering the 1965 Killings in Indonesia</title>
      <link>https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/122525</link>
      <description>title: Filling in the Gaps: Remembering the 1965 Killings in Indonesia abstract: After more than fifty years, Indonesia remains muted in its acknowledgement of the killings and disappearances of nearly one million suspected leftists in the anti-Communist pogroms of 1965. While the downfall of Indonesian strongman Suharto had opened up a larger space for democracy, the Indonesian state remains reticent in facing accusations of mass human rights violations that have taken place during his rule. Although many former dissidents and political detainees have come forward with their stories in an effort to “straighten  istory,” they continue to face harassment from right wing groups as well as the state’s intelligence apparatus. Nevertheless, with the advent of the Internet, human rights activists as well as historical “revisionists” have begun to use the cyber sphere as way to fill in the “gaps” in terms of Indonesia’s narrative concerning the killings of 1965. This paper investigates the dynamics behind the use of this medium in transmitting this dark episode to a younger generation of Indonesians. It looks specifically at Ingat 1965, a website that utilizes “private memory” as a way to “resist” as well as reinvent the narrative, which has so long been dominated by the state. This paper also includes an investigation into how Indonesia is beginning to deal with its past.
&lt;br&gt;</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 11 Mar 2022 04:13:20 GMT</pubDate>
    </item>
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      <title>中國崛起與美中互動關係解析(1990-2016)：權力轉移理論與貿易和平理論的應用</title>
      <link>https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/121970</link>
      <description>title: 中國崛起與美中互動關係解析(1990-2016)：權力轉移理論與貿易和平理論的應用 abstract: 權力轉移理論 (power transition theory) 和貿易和平理論 (trade peace theory) 對於「中國崛起」提出截然不同的觀點。權力轉移理論認為，中國崛起改變了國際權力結構，當中國與現今霸權美國的權力差距愈來愈小，在中國亟欲挑戰美國霸權之際，雙方衝突升高的可能將是無可避免。然而，貿易和平理論卻認為基於機會成本的考量，美中之間盤根錯節的貿易關係使得兩國都不願意升高衝突，美中之間發生軍事衝突的可能性微乎其微。&#xD;
本文整合上述兩個理論，提出貿易─權力轉移的分析架構並檢視 1990 ~ 2016年間的美中互動。根據該分析架構，「中國崛起」拉近了美中之間的權力差距，提高兩國之間的緊張，但隨著雙方貿易從依賴關係一直發展到現在的美中互賴，中國選擇回應的方式受到限制，美中衝突或許會發生，但是衝突持續升高甚或變成武裝衝突的機率，可能並不如權力轉移理論所預期的高。
&lt;br&gt;</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 20 Jan 2022 04:12:08 GMT</pubDate>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>不同社會系絡因素對臺灣選民投票抉擇影響：以2016年總統選舉為例</title>
      <link>https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/121903</link>
      <description>title: 不同社會系絡因素對臺灣選民投票抉擇影響：以2016年總統選舉為例 abstract: 在近幾年的選舉中，網路成了候選人決戰的新場域。選民透過網路獲取政治資訊、與候選人、朋友在網路上互動，最終決定其投票對象，這也代表在投票行為的研究中，我們必須重視網際網路所帶來的影響。本研究認為選民可以在網路上獲取各種資訊，並且透過網路社群與其他人產生互動，相當適合使用投票行為研究當中的社會學研究途徑（sociological approach）來分析，網際網路可說是一種因科技進步所產生的新社會系絡。但新的社會系絡形成，並不代表既有的社會系絡就會消失不見，只是影響力可能產生變化。本研究以2016年的總統選舉為例，比較傳統社會系絡因素（外在總體環境、人際討論系絡、傳統媒體閱聽系絡）和社群媒體系絡因素對選民投票行為的影響。本研究同時進行電話調查及網路調查。經控制政黨認同之後，在電話訪問方面，發現傳統媒體閱聽系絡的電視新聞、人際討論系絡對於選民的投票行為具有影響力，但社群媒體並未如預期具有影響力。至於網路調查方面的結果，社群媒體則具有顯著影響力，其他傳統的社會系絡因素中，人際討論也同樣具有顯著影響力。本研究結果顯示我們不可忽略社會系絡在投票行為研究中的重要性。
&lt;br&gt;</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 08 Jan 2022 04:12:26 GMT</pubDate>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>How Does the Belt and Road Initiative Shape ASEAN? China' s Dual-Track Approach under Strategic Interdependence</title>
      <link>https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/121775</link>
      <description>title: How Does the Belt and Road Initiative Shape ASEAN? China' s Dual-Track Approach under Strategic Interdependence abstract: In 2013, China’s Premier Li Keqiang announced the ten-year plan for a “diamond decade” and President Xi Jinping announced the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road to further expand relations with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Scholars have explored China’s motives and whether the BRI serves as a public good to foster ASEAN connectivity or Beijing’s economic and geopolitical interests. Based on data of more than 440 China-backed investments with above $100 million in four essential BRI sectors since 2005, collected by the China Global Investment Tracker (CGIT), this article upends the BRI to investigate how it shapes China–ASEAN relations. It argues that China engages in a two-track approach with less essential public diplomacy on the first track and the actual implementation procedures under strategic interdependence on the second bilateral track, thus implying contradictory trends for the bloc’s development and China–ASEAN relations.
&lt;br&gt;</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 20 Dec 2021 04:11:46 GMT</pubDate>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The Impact of Socioeconomic Status and Self-Fulfilling Prophecy on Academic Performance: Follow-Up Interviews on Second-Generation Southeast-Asian Taiwanese Students</title>
      <link>https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/121774</link>
      <description>title: The Impact of Socioeconomic Status and Self-Fulfilling Prophecy on Academic Performance: Follow-Up Interviews on Second-Generation Southeast-Asian Taiwanese Students</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 20 Dec 2021 04:11:45 GMT</pubDate>
    </item>
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      <title>印尼語外語能力檢定考試：能否準確評估出台灣大專初學者的印尼語能力?</title>
      <link>https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/121773</link>
      <description>title: 印尼語外語能力檢定考試：能否準確評估出台灣大專初學者的印尼語能力? abstract: 本文的宗旨，是為了檢驗目前在臺灣的印尼語檢定考試，也就是由臺印兩地大學合辦之「印尼文外語能力檢定」（Tes Bahasa Indonesia sebagai Bahasa Asing, TIBA），難度是否適中，以及能否準確評估出臺灣大專生初學者之印尼文程度。筆者將TIBA考試之14位考生的檢定成績，與他們過去6學期的在校印尼文成績，進行迴歸分析，結果發現上開的TIBA檢定考試，並沒有準確反映出學生在校的印尼文成績與學習表現。接著，筆者再將上開的TIBA檢定考試，分別與臺灣的德語檢定考試，以及另一間臺灣國立大學自行試辦的印尼語檢定考試進行比較，進一步發現TIBA考試之難度分類系統尚未成熟、也難以準確測量出初學者之程度。最後，筆者建議臺灣之印尼語檢定考試之發展，應以發展較成熟之越南語檢定考試系統為借鏡，以因地制宜，更準確地評估出大專階段初學者的印尼語程度。
&lt;br&gt;</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 20 Dec 2021 04:11:43 GMT</pubDate>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Adapting to the changing Arctic? The European Union, the Nordics, and the Barents Governance Mosaic</title>
      <link>https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/121772</link>
      <description>title: Adapting to the changing Arctic? The European Union, the Nordics, and the Barents Governance Mosaic abstract: The Arctic region is significantly affected by rising temperatures and melting ice due to climate change, which provides immense economic opportunities for stakeholders within and outside the Arctic. China and Russia have already put themselves in a good position regarding these opportunities, while the European Union (EU) struggles to find its place in its Northern periphery. A decade ago, the European Commission issued its first policy paper on the Arctic region. The European Commission developed a northern maritime and Arctic policy that will support cooperation in the Euro-Arctic area and give a voice to, and align with, the Nordic countries in the EU. Ten years later, the general contours of a European Arctic strategy have appeared. The EU’s Arctic policy has shifted from a more general Arctic approach, towards the Euro-Arctic region, especially towards the Barents Sea. This paper experiments with the idea of an emerging Barents Governance Mosaic (BGM) that consists of various actors and mechanisms involved in interconnected, but non-hierarchical, areas the EU may further develop to improve its role in the Arctic and Arctic governance as a whole.
&lt;br&gt;</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 20 Dec 2021 04:11:40 GMT</pubDate>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Adapting to the changing Arctic? The European Union, the Nordics, and the Barents Governance Mosaic</title>
      <link>https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/121771</link>
      <description>title: Adapting to the changing Arctic? The European Union, the Nordics, and the Barents Governance Mosaic abstract: The Arctic region is significantly affected by rising temperatures and melting ice due to climate change, which provides immense economic opportunities for stakeholders within and outside the Arctic. China and Russia have already put themselves in a good position regarding these opportunities, while the European Union (EU) struggles to find its place in its Northern periphery. A decade ago, the European Commission issued its first policy paper on the Arctic region. The European Commission developed a northern maritime and Arctic policy that will support cooperation in the Euro-Arctic area and give a voice to, and align with, the Nordic countries in the EU. Ten years later, the general contours of a European Arctic strategy have appeared. The EU’s Arctic policy has shifted from a more general Arctic approach, towards the Euro-Arctic region, especially towards the Barents Sea. This paper experiments with the idea of an emerging Barents Governance Mosaic (BGM) that consists of various actors and mechanisms involved in interconnected, but non-hierarchical, areas the EU may further develop to improve its role in the Arctic and Arctic governance as a whole.
&lt;br&gt;</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 20 Dec 2021 04:11:37 GMT</pubDate>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Straightening History: Political Prisoners and human rights in Indonesia</title>
      <link>https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/120805</link>
      <description>title: Straightening History: Political Prisoners and human rights in Indonesia abstract: In the aftermath of the attempted 1965 coup, many dissidents, leftists, and suspected Communists were either ‘eradicated’ or incarcerated in prisons all over Indonesia. Since their release, these political prisoners continue to face state-enforced discrimination and stigmatisation. The marginalization of ex-political prisoners by both the state and local communities has continued through Indonesia’s democratic transition following President Suharto’s downfall in 1998. This is compounded by the presence of right-wing groups who continue to harass them, labelling them as neo-Communists inimical to the Indonesian body politic. Through direct engagement with former political prisoners, I aim to understand rehabilitative efforts through support groups. In preliminary interviews, many eks-tapol refer to the need to ‘straighten’ history. This discourse highlights their need to be recognized as ‘whole’ citizens of Indonesia. I explore the state’s struggle to address this dark chapter in Indonesian history, what it means to ‘straighten’ history and how eks-tapol engage with support groups to re-define their position within the community, denoting a strengthened sense of dignity and humanity. It is hoped that this research will contribute to efforts to understand and protect the rights of eks-tapol and other victims of political persecution in Southeast Asia.
&lt;br&gt;</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 11 May 2021 04:10:43 GMT</pubDate>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Speaking Across the Lines: 1965, the Family and Reconciliation in Indonesia</title>
      <link>https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/120449</link>
      <description>title: Speaking Across the Lines: 1965, the Family and Reconciliation in Indonesia abstract: In the aftermath of the 1965 killings, Suharto’s New Order regime in Indonesia initiated a series of policies and ideological programs that sought to turn the Southeast Asian nation into an “integral state.” The family unit then became institutionalized and idealized as an object providing the state with the necessary discursive language to maintain then-president Suharto’s three-decade long rule. His regime, however, continued to demonize hundreds of thousands of former political detainees, denying their families access to basic rights. Branded as having come from “unclean environments,” the descendants of the Suharto regime’s political detainees continue to face discrimination even after the New Order’s end in 1998. Nevertheless, in the years following reformasi (“reformation”), Indonesia’s increased democratic space provided an opportunity for the voices of former political detainees and their children to emerge. This paper will utilize biographies and oral historical records to understand how the family provided a cocoon-like environment, allowing alternative or discordant narratives to form and coalesce. The author aims to show how the New Order’s repressive policies affected these families with one generation passing onto the next its “tainted DNA.” The author posits that given the lack of a public sphere in discussing the most momentous event in Indonesia, it is the private sphere of the family instead that would serve as an outpost of memory, reminding Indonesia of its&#xD;
“original sin.” It is hoped that this paper would be able to showcase the ability of the narratives from below to sow the seeds of historical and generational reconciliation.
&lt;br&gt;</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 26 Mar 2021 04:10:17 GMT</pubDate>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Invisible threads linking phantasmal landscapes in Java: Haunted places and memory in post-authoritarian Indonesia</title>
      <link>https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/120132</link>
      <description>title: Invisible threads linking phantasmal landscapes in Java: Haunted places and memory in post-authoritarian Indonesia abstract: The nation is often ‘imagined’ through various elements such as the media, education, ideologies, each providing the necessary ‘boundaries’ for its existence. It is also a space where the landscape is constructed and utilised to shape its citizens’ perception. However, the idea of a nation is not just circumscribed by what is celebrated or visible but also by what is ‘silenced’. During the transitional period between the Sukarno and Suharto administrations in the mid 60’s, approximately 500,000–1 million suspected leftists, communists and dissidents were incarcerated and disappeared. Thus even 20 years after the downfall of Suharto’s authoritarian regime, the incident continues to be an unspeakable ‘open secret’. This paper posits that beneath Indonesia’s modern veneer lies ‘pockets’ of spaces that physically mark this hidden history. I ask how Indonesians conceive and tell of this ‘unmentionable’ history through narratives that surround places of death and violence. I will be looking specifically at sites where dissidents have either been interrogated, imprisoned as well as executed. This research looks at how Indonesians utilise tales of the ghostly and the spectral as a way to bypass the taboo which surrounds the event and at the same time ‘narrativise’ it. I state that these tales of ghosts, hauntings and the supernatural are attempts by Indonesians to comprehend better what was otherwise an ‘incomprehensible’ event. Also, despite the state’s best efforts in creating a vacuum on the event, I state that these sites of violence, the landscapes which they inhabit and the tales they carry, are part of an invisible landscape where a counter ‘imagined community’ exists linking these sites as well as the past and present. With each of the sites, a hidden history is thus revealed despite efforts in suppressing this knowledge.
&lt;br&gt;</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 10 Mar 2021 04:13:39 GMT</pubDate>
    </item>
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