DSpace community: 中國大陸研究所
https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/712
培養從事大陸及兩岸文教、經貿事務之專業人才為宗旨,並與學術界、實務界密切交流,並透過學術交流活動,達成學術教學與實務。The community's search engineSearch the Channels
https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/simple-search
中共隱患排查作為觀察
https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/122644
title: 中共隱患排查作為觀察 abstract: 安全隱患排查主要指企業生產單位需依法進行生產管理,避免事故發生,其制度在中國大陸行之有年,2008 年國家安監總局發布實施「安全生產事故隱患排查治理暫行規定」,企業需進行的生產安全事故隱患排查程序,並進行分級管理;2009 年中共修訂「安全生產法」,加入「隱患排除」(之後改為隱患排查),要求企業生產單位必須建立相關制度。近年來,中國大陸經濟快速成長,惟相關基
礎建設與安全觀念尚嫌薄弱,各種公共安全造成的災難問題頻傳,例如 2015 年天津化學倉庫爆炸案,大規模驚人的爆炸畫面被錄製拍攝後於網路廣為流傳,造成社會不安,並影響國際形象,隱患排查成為政府重要監督工作。此外,近年中國大陸網路社會快速發展,許多新聞消息不僅可以很快透過媒體報導獲知,亦經由網路傳送至全世界,中共事後掩蓋資訊的能力相對弱化,因此事前確保公共安全災難不發生,成其穩定社會的重要措施之一。
<br>2021兩岸情勢總結與預判
https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/122643
title: 2021兩岸情勢總結與預判中共「國進民退」政策對市場經濟與社會問題的衝擊與影響
https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/122555
title: 中共「國進民退」政策對市場經濟與社會問題的衝擊與影響武漢肺炎對在中國大陸台商之影響
https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/122536
title: 武漢肺炎對在中國大陸台商之影響掠奪式經濟掀起習中央與權貴資本主義的鬥爭
https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/122507
title: 掠奪式經濟掀起習中央與權貴資本主義的鬥爭馬來西亞華社對一帶一路與新南向的分歧與想像
https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/122451
title: 馬來西亞華社對一帶一路與新南向的分歧與想像 abstract: 本研究訪問馬來西亞華人研究機構、智庫、學者專家、民間社團與地方領袖,檢視在馬來西亞執行基礎建設的中國海外國企發展現況,並討論基礎建設是否讓沿線國家陷入「貸款陷阱」,形成「以中國為中心」的朝貢體系。研究發現部份中國海外國企仍頗具競爭力,不會像東印度公司瞬間消失。在中共嚴格控管下,海外國企沒有機會獨立運作成為企業汗國。面對中國外交與政治壓力時,馬來西亞政府會按照東協國家衝突經驗,採取避險或多元準確選擇策略,以政治或外交的讓步去換取經濟利益。基於中華民族的歷史情感,華人社群對中國一帶一路基礎建設多表支持態度,但對台灣新南向政策預期成效表示悲觀。因為無法加入區域經貿合作組織,台灣在推動新南向政策時陷入國家與主權的困境。不過,台灣中小企業與馬來西亞產業結構具有極高的互補性,並且已經有多起成功案例。台灣政府應記取海洋經濟史的經驗,鼓勵中小企業透過南中國海港口城市,將貨物或半成品先轉運到馬來西亞加工,再銷售到東協國家、中東與其他市場。
<br>港版國安法對香港金融中心地位的影響
https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/122394
title: 港版國安法對香港金融中心地位的影響中國大陸對台措施與兩岸共同市場的探討
https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/122393
title: 中國大陸對台措施與兩岸共同市場的探討涉臺
https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/122333
title: 涉臺從中國大陸上半年度經濟數據看其 「全面建成小康社會」
https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/122188
title: 從中國大陸上半年度經濟數據看其 「全面建成小康社會」2020 年中共中央經濟工作會議評析
https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/122187
title: 2020 年中共中央經濟工作會議評析中國大陸地方與國企債務風險評析
https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/122186
title: 中國大陸地方與國企債務風險評析2021年兩岸情勢總結與預判
https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/122014
title: 2021年兩岸情勢總結與預判中共地方政府對臺工作與角色
https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/121911
title: 中共地方政府對臺工作與角色近期歐美各國表態「挺臺」與「抗中」局勢評析
https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/121833
title: 近期歐美各國表態「挺臺」與「抗中」局勢評析中共「網絡群眾路線」的發展、實踐與意涵
https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/121467
title: 中共「網絡群眾路線」的發展、實踐與意涵 abstract: 情報.ネット技術は国家が社会をコントロールする力を削ぐ可能性があり、中国共産党にとってはその統治への挑戦、また重要な研究課題となる。党はIT技術と従来型の統治手法を結合させて一連の「ネット大衆路線」を編み出し、高度に多元化し、常に速やかに様々な範疇に分化していくネット社会に対応している。本論では「ネット大衆路線」の進展と実践を分析し、中国共産党が推進する大衆路線の不足分をネット技術が補っているとみる。党はネットを通じて大衆とのインターフェイスを拡大、世論収集の手段を増やし、議題設定の能力を構築した。したがって、ネットの発展はさらなる新興メディア環境への適応と世論掌握の力を党にもたらした。そこから見ると、IT技術は中国共産党の権威主義的統治を弱体化させるどころか、大衆の意見を積極的に丸めこみ押さえつける能力を強化させることとなった。
資訊與網路科技可能削弱國家對社會控制能力,對中國共產黨而言是統治上的挑戰,也是一個重要的研究問題。中國共產黨結合資訊科技與傳統統治策略,揉合出了一套「網絡群眾路線」,來因應高度多元且不斷快速分化成不同部門的網路社會。本文探討「網絡群眾路線」的發展與實踐,認為網路科技補足了中共推動群眾路線之不足。藉由網路,中共可以擴大群眾接觸面、增加輿論蒐集手段、以及建立議題設定能力。因此,網路的發展讓中共更能適應新興媒體環境,掌握輿論發展。由此觀之,資訊科技並未弱化中共威權統治,反而強化中共積極攏絡與壓制群眾意見的能力。
<br>An Evaluation of the US-China Competition in the South China Sea under Trump and Xi
https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/121288
title: An Evaluation of the US-China Competition in the South China Sea under Trump and Xi abstract: The U.S-China confrontations in the South China Sea have been a case regularly cited by media and scholars to evaluate whether China and the US will eventually fight a war for competing for hegemonic status. The Thucydides Trap argument proposes that the US and China are going to a hegemonic war as Chinese power continues to rise. This paper provides an evaluation of current US-China competition in the South China Sea using a rationalist approach. It argues that the US' active involvement in the South China Sea would increase the probability for China and other claimants to the sovereignty in the sea area to cooperate and decrease the likelihood of war. Empirically, the strategy shifts, national interests, as well as recent activities of China and the US in this region will be discussed to elaborate the argument. Although confrontations between the US and China have frequently arisen in the South China Sea under Xi and Trump, no sign of escalation has been seen. As such, the current US-China competition in the South China Sea should be better described as under a situation of "competitive coexistence" rather than under a Thucydides Trap.
<br>2020年中國政經態勢之評估
https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/120645
title: 2020年中國政經態勢之評估近期澳洲與中國大陸關係評析
https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/120625
title: 近期澳洲與中國大陸關係評析社會情勢總結與預判
https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/119864
title: 社會情勢總結與預判新冠肺炎疫情與中國的威權兩難
https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/119824
title: 新冠肺炎疫情與中國的威權兩難 abstract: 本文觀察2019年新冠疫情爆發後,中國的社會維穩舉措遭遇的問題,以及疫情對於中共的威權治理是否造成可能的影響。本文認為,新冠肺炎疫情讓習近平面臨的威權兩難更嚴峻。本文提出兩個主要當前中共面臨的威權兩難,包含了中央與地方代理人兩難以及社會管控與政權合法性兩難。本文認為,新冠肺炎疫情在中國與全球爆發的影響下,這兩個兩難產生的治理難題將更加明顯,特別是當中共必須一方面維持社會穩定,另一方面又必須持續促進經濟增長,在疫情下這兩個目標難以並行不悖。中國威權政權如何解決以上困境,將是其統治能否持續,以及其政權如何不受挑戰之關鍵,而新冠肺炎疫情後的中國共產黨政權,更嚴峻的威權兩難是否會導致國家社會衝突不斷,亦值得吾人持續關注。
<br>A King stifling voices of dissent? Popular Protests and State Responses in Xi’s China
https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/119823
title: A King stifling voices of dissent? Popular Protests and State Responses in Xi’s China abstract: To deal with the increases in the frequency of popular protests, China's leader, Xi Jinping, has called for “innovative social governance” as a new concept to resolve social conflicts. In this study, we collect and analyze a unique dataset to compare state responses to popular protests during Xi's term and Hu's term. We find that, under Xi's rule, state repression is more frequently employed to handle social disturbances. Violent protests are significantly more likely to be repressed than nonviolent protests during both the rule of Hu and Xi, while protests that involved a population of the middle and upper classes experienced more state crackdown under Xi's rule rather than under Hu's governance. Our empirical analysis suggests that the approaches by which the Chinese government deals with social unrest have not yet been “innovative.” Instead, China still relies heavily on despotic power in the Xi era.
<br>一帶一路基礎建設與新朝貢關係:以中國海外國企為例
https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/119819
title: 一帶一路基礎建設與新朝貢關係:以中國海外國企為例 abstract: 本書由淡江大學國際事務學院及上海國際問題研究院所共同舉辦的第二十三屆「世界新格局與兩岸關係」學術研討會的論文所改編而成,此一研討會已持續舉辦二十三屆而不中斷,誠為兩岸學術交流的最佳見證,亦對於兩岸關係的發展具有實質的貢獻。
書中兩岸學者所發表的論文沿襲過去的傳統,關注當前全球的政經局勢與兩岸關係的發展,探討全球治理的相關事項、區域國家的外交政策與相互關係、中國大陸的「一帶一路」倡議、美中台三邊關係、以及台灣的總統選舉等議題,涵蓋面非常廣泛,內容也非常即時深入。
由於中國大陸的崛起以及美國川普總統的美國優先外交政策,不只美中關係受到影響,也牽動了國際及區域局勢的劇烈變化。川普政府的現實主義及單邊主義外交政策,已衝擊既有的自由多邊國際秩序與制度,許多多邊協議及制度,包括「世界貿易組織」、「全球氣候變遷公約」、「跨太平洋夥伴協議」、「北美自由貿易協議」及「伊朗核協議」等,均出現功能受損甚至難以持續的困境。美國對於中國崛起的疑慮及壓制,也使得中美的競爭及衝突加劇,雖未回到過去美蘇對抗的冷戰局面,但是雙方的競爭層面也不斷擴大,遂有學者認為出現新冷戰的格局。儘管面臨美國不斷的施壓,中國大陸的回應並未完全走向激烈,採取且戰且走、多邊發展的策略,雙方呈現既競爭又節制的關係。
兩岸關係亦深受美中關係發展的影響,在川普政府運用「台灣牌」的考量下,複雜了兩岸的局勢。在目前民進黨政府所採取的兩岸政策下,兩岸關係也持續的僵持及對立,未來將視台灣總統選舉的結果而定。
此書的出版代表兩院學者對於國際及兩岸關係的各自思考,可以提供給各界參考,亦請各方先進不吝予以指教。
<br>A Path Forward: Taiwan's New Southbound Policy amidst the US-China Trade War
https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/119801
title: A Path Forward: Taiwan's New Southbound Policy amidst the US-China Trade War abstract: This study reviewed the origin of Xi Jinping's Belt and Road Initiative(BRI) and how Chinese state-owned companies help build infrastructure programs for the targeted countries. The study also illustrated how Tsai Ing-wen's New Southbound Policy(NSP) is different from former President Lee Teng-hui's "Southbound Policy". The propose of NSP is deepening Taiwan's engagement in southeast Asia, South Asia, Australia and New Zealand. Subsequently Tsai's administration inaugurated 5 flagship programs and 3 prospective areas so as to reinforce the relationships with the 18 partner countries in 2016. President Tsai further proposed that they must come up with more vision-orientated and forward-looking policies in 2019. This study explored the effects of the BRI and the NSP have on the ASEAN nations' diplomatic, as well as trading relations. ASEAN nations used to adopt a hedging strategy to manage both the US and China sides' influences. ASEAN nations believed that the NSP's human resource educational programs will never rival the BRI's infrastructure plans. However, after the waves of broken windows effects caused by Malaysia, Trump's Indo-pacific strategy, and US-China trade war, the scenario has gradually changed the current political, economic and military equilibrium status of Asia-pacific and Indo-pacific regions. Creating great opportunities for the NSP to quietly build up more platforms in order to break through the encirclement of the BRI. This study suggests that the further version of NSP will adopt a more proactive approach that'll be equipped with the competing visions of the trading geostrategy. Besides enforcing diplomatic relations, the NSP should strengthen the connection with seaport cities, Taiwan business, and industrial clusters and modify the priority items according to the needs of different countries and localities.
<br>中國大陸社會結構與轉型
https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/119209
title: 中國大陸社會結構與轉型 abstract: 中共從建政以來,發展的鐘擺從毛澤東時期「以階級鬥爭為綱」一端,擺向鄧小平時期「經濟建設為中心」另一端,我們看到中國大陸幾乎在各領域都出現翻天覆地的變化,然而其政治體制幾乎未曾改變,黨國依然緊密鑲嵌在經濟社會生活當中。中國大陸的發展不僅影響周邊國家與兩岸關係,也牽動世界格局的變遷,確實值得我們進一步探索。針對此,本書將全面性、系統性地介紹以中國大陸為核心的國內與國際兩個大局,全書共計十八章,區分為「黨史與政治體制」、「經濟改革與企業發展」、「社會轉型、環衛與傳媒」以及「對外關係、軍事與兩岸關係」等四大部分,不僅是教科書、考試用書,也是想要深入瞭解中國大陸政治經濟社會發展、國際關係以及兩岸關係的讀者不可不讀之好書。
<br>A Year After the Anti-Extradition Bill Protest: Hong Kong as a Weapon in the US-China Competition
https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/119045
title: A Year After the Anti-Extradition Bill Protest: Hong Kong as a Weapon in the US-China Competition abstract: Hong Kong has played a key role in the US-China economic and strategic competition since the anti-extradition bill protests sparked disputes over the city's autonomy. The US and China use Hong Kong as a weapon to attempt to gain the upper hand in the competition. The roles of Hong Kong and Taiwan are, thus, functionally alike for China and the US - an issue that can be used to pressure each other for political and diplomatic gains. However, Hong Kong is essentially different from Taiwan in terms of autonomy, governance structure, and de facto sovereignty, which makes the US-China disputes over Hong Kong more complex. While China expects Taiwan to be a pending issue that could not be immediately resolved, it will never envisage Hong Kong's autonomy to become an unsolved problem. As such, weaponizing Hong Kong would risk fiercer confrontations between the US and China in the foreseeable future.
<br>Building a Hyper-Stability Structure: The Mechanisms of Social Stability Maintenance in Xi’s China
https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/119044
title: Building a Hyper-Stability Structure: The Mechanisms of Social Stability Maintenance in Xi’s China abstract: Having been a stable authoritarian regime for more than seven decades, China is an excellent example of how authoritarian regimes can resist pressure from a rapidly transforming society. Its capacity to adapt to social change and maintain a strong hold on power has been observed by students of Chinese politics in the nature of its institutions. These include fragmented governments, decentralization, flexible governance, adaptive capacity, consultative functions, bargained mechanisms, and responsiveness. Xi Jinping’s rise to power and the introduction of information and communications technology (ICT) in recent years have brought about the evolution of the Chinese Communist Party’s methods for governing society. Changes in its governing strategy have merited a review of our understanding of the Chinese regime and inspired an investigation into how social stability is maintained in China. In this paper, we review previous descriptions of China’s authoritarianism and observe the policies the Xi regime has adopted to strengthen state power. We propose that for the purposes of social control, the Xi administration has been building a hierarchical state machine and expanding this machine to the digital sector of society, a campaign which we call “institutional autocratization.” These efforts to establish a hyper-stability structure with new technologies may indeed have strengthened Xi’s rule.
<br>A Rural-Urban Divide? Reassessing Voting in Chinese Villagers’ Committee and Residents’ Committee Elections
https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/119043
title: A Rural-Urban Divide? Reassessing Voting in Chinese Villagers’ Committee and Residents’ Committee Elections abstract: While Chinese scholars, media, and writers have long reported a noteworthy rural-urban difference in political participation, the meaning of this divergence to China’s local democracy remains underexplored. This paper explores the different patterns of electoral participation between rural and urban residents. I argue that the rural zeal in elections is due to VC governments’ strong capacity to mobilize loyalists to vote in state-controlled elections, while voter apathy in urban elections is resulted from the RC governments’ lack of the equivalent power to cultivate loyalist voters. Using Chinese General Social Survey 2013 to test the argument, I find evidence that shows that in VC elections rural people are more likely to vote in state-controlled elections than are urban residents. In addition, villagers’ electoral participation has nothing to do with their democratic consciousness but is significantly associated with Party membership. In contrast, urban turnout is highly correlated with democratic consciousness but not Party membership.
<br>Between a Rock and a Hard Place: How Lesser Powers Respond to Competing Great Powers in the Asia-Pacific Region
https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/118806
title: Between a Rock and a Hard Place: How Lesser Powers Respond to Competing Great Powers in the Asia-Pacific Region abstract: In comparison to hegemony, lesser powers usually struggle for survival between two or more great powers under state power asymmetry, a perpetual phenomenon in international politics. With the rise of China and the increasingly strengthening role of the US in the Asia-Pacific region, it is important to learn how lesser powers manage their relations with the two. To explore this issue, we propose that the strength of state power will constrain the strategies of lesser powers as they choose between the US and China. Borrowing from existing theories and ideas on strategies that include balancing, bandwagoning, and hedging, we argue that the stronger a country’s power, the more likely it will choose a balancing strategy. At the same time, the weaker the country, the more likely that it will go with bandwagoning. Regional middle powers will show varied strategy choices, as they possess a higher degree of freedom in choosing which great power to side with. To validate these arguments, we construct two indicators — differences in trade dependence on the US and China and differences in the voting score consistent with the US and China — to quantify the strategies of lesser powers toward great powers and examine whether the variable of strategies follows the expected pattern. Our analysis shows that countries in the middle of the spectrum of state power demonstrated great freedom in choosing strategies toward the two powers.
<br>兩岸情勢總結與預判
https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/118805
title: 兩岸情勢總結與預判Elections and Authoritarian Rule: Causes and Consequences of Adoption of Grassroots Elections in China
https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/118609
title: Elections and Authoritarian Rule: Causes and Consequences of Adoption of Grassroots Elections in China東亞所的學術脈絡:碩博士論文題目分析
https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/118559
title: 東亞所的學術脈絡:碩博士論文題目分析 abstract: 政大東亞所創立迄今逾半世紀,不僅深刻地影響了臺灣的中國大陸研究,也與臺灣的命運緊密聯繫在一起。本書的出版,一方面為紀念東亞所成立五十週年,另一方面更是從學術的角度來理解和分析東亞所作為臺灣最重要的中國大陸研究教研機構,是如何創建成長、作育英才、發揮影響、承先啟後與前瞻未來。本書作者全為東亞所的老師或所友,不論從理性或感性都可看出東亞所在中國大陸研究領域的貢獻,其創建並影響了一個學科的發展,也編織出全臺灣最為綿密的研究網絡,是關心這領域的讀者不可不讀的好書。
<br>兩岸情勢總結與預判
https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/118499
title: 兩岸情勢總結與預判我總統大選後兩岸外交戰趨勢觀察
https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/118411
title: 我總統大選後兩岸外交戰趨勢觀察兩岸關係情勢總結與預判
https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/118405
title: 兩岸關係情勢總結與預判論蔡英文在黨內初選勝出後 如何爭取贏得2020年選舉
https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/118370
title: 論蔡英文在黨內初選勝出後 如何爭取贏得2020年選舉論兩岸由融合發展邁向和平統一的認知與可行途徑
https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/118369
title: 論兩岸由融合發展邁向和平統一的認知與可行途徑從中共19大的政治報告到「習五點」論當前中共對台政策
https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/118368
title: 從中共19大的政治報告到「習五點」論當前中共對台政策從「習五點」論當前中共對台政策
https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/118367
title: 從「習五點」論當前中共對台政策從「習五點」論「九二共識」已成為兩岸關係的「定海神針」
https://tkuir.lib.tku.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/118366
title: 從「習五點」論「九二共識」已成為兩岸關係的「定海神針」