DSpace collection: 會議論文

誰關心人權？進步論述與道德基礎

title: 誰關心人權？進步論述與道德基礎

The Impact of Concurrent Campaigns on Referendum Voting: The Case of Taiwan in 2018

title: The Impact of Concurrent Campaigns on Referendum Voting: The Case of Taiwan in 2018

Germany's EU Presidency during COVID-19 Pandemic: Interdependencies of Two Institutional Innovations

title: Germany's EU Presidency during COVID-19 Pandemic: Interdependencies of Two Institutional Innovations abstract: The COVID-19 pandemics of 2020 is another so-called existential crisis of the European Union (EU) added to the “European poly-crises” (Jean-Claude Juncker) of the last decade. Therefore, Berlin’s theme “Together for Europe’s recovery” of Germany’s July-December 2020 Presidency of the European Union is universal. This rotating EU Presidency is Chancellor Angela Merkel’s last opportunity to solidify her legacy. Originally on that occasion, one would expect an outward-looking vision for the EU, for instance, strengthening of EU-Asia relations as envisaged with the EU-ASEAN strategic partnership, decided indeed under Germany’s 2020 Presidency. However, once more, her capacity as crisis manager is what the situation has demanded. Germany, concealing its influence for different reasons, supported two major institutional innovations that COVID-19 bought intrinsically together. These two major institutional innovations might pave the way towards a closer Union. However, to its critics, they bear the risk of dragging the EU further into jeopardy. The present talk is about joint debt instruments, also dubbed Eurobonds, and the Rule of Law Mechanism, decided on November 5 2020. The former aims at supporting economic recovery after the health crisis. The latter shall ensure that the European treaties and the rule of law standards remain stable in the current populist-prone European politics. The presentation will introduce these two new instruments, discuss the pros and cons, its interdependencies, and its potential consequences. Will they bring the EU closer together or tear the Union apart?

The EU, China, and ASEAN Connectivity: 'European Way' Versus Belt and Road Initiative?

title: The EU, China, and ASEAN Connectivity: 'European Way' Versus Belt and Road Initiative? abstract: The September 2018 publication of both the European Commission and the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy “Connecting Europe and Asia – Building blocks for an EU Strategy” (European Commission 2018) outline the various dimensions of how the European Union (EU) plans to connect Europe with Asia and how to improve connectivity within Asia. The connectivity strategy is not least an answer to China’s massive Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), an enormous unregulated Eurasian infrastructure diplomacy project that has enabled China to become perceived as the EU’s systemic rival. Connectivity is a crucial new concept in the EU’s economic diplomacy towards Asia. Previously, connectivity mainly related to the telecommunication sector. Now, connectivity comprises all sorts of infrastructure (like roads, railways, ports, and digital connectivity), but also extends to financial, regulatory and sustainable business practices in transnational supply chains, and also societal “people’s to people’s” connectivity. The EU Commission promotes a ‘European way’ in its new Asia strategy, which emphasizes a sustainable, comprehensive and international rule-based approach. This research question focuses on the last of the three ‘European way’ dimensions, “international rule-based”, to explore the potential of the connectivity strategy regarding the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN). While ASEAN governments have become more cautious about China’s BRI, they also represent uneasy partners for the EU’s high-standards connectivity strategy. Is systemic rivalry between the EU and China playing out regards ASEAN, or are there possibilities for coordination towards European standards? This research leans on the concept of hybrid interregionalism. It assumes that for a ‘European Way’ to emerge, the EU must coordinate its policies with like-minded countries both within and as regards ASEAN, and especially with governments that share similar values, agreements and concerns regarding the BRI in the East Asian political economy. Hence, this interregional complexity demands an omnidirectional EU interregional strategy. Due to the very recent dynamics in the global and regional system, there is an opportunity to elaborate on new insights regarding this central research question from a theoretical and empirical perspective. Next to content analysis and literature review, this exploration also plans interviews with policymakers in the EU and Asia as it is a funded project by the Ministry of Science and Technology of Taiwan.

European Union’s Connectivity Strategy with Asia Against Strong Headwinds: Towards A European Way in EU-ASEAN Relations?

title: European Union’s Connectivity Strategy with Asia Against Strong Headwinds: Towards A European Way in EU-ASEAN Relations?

臺灣民眾的統獨立場：趨勢與影響

title: 臺灣民眾的統獨立場：趨勢與影響

憲政民主穩定性與道德基礎理論

title: 憲政民主穩定性與道德基礎理論

Self-identity and Political Socialization Experience of the Overseas Compatriots

title: Self-identity and Political Socialization Experience of the Overseas Compatriots

‘Taiwan Cities’ diplomacy contribution to human security

title: ‘Taiwan Cities’ diplomacy contribution to human security

霸權的困境：從貿易-權力轉移理論看霸權戰爭

title: 霸權的困境：從貿易-權力轉移理論看霸權戰爭 abstract: 權力比真能如同霸權轉移理論或霸權戰爭理論所述，決定霸權戰爭的發生嗎？本文認為權力比並不真能完整說明霸權戰爭的發生，真正要關注的應該是挑戰國對外經濟政策。若霸權國與挑戰國的對外經濟政策具協調性，即使權力比接近，霸權戰爭的可能性依然不高；反之，若彼此的對外經濟政策不具協調性，戰爭機率便會顯著地增加。本文主要檢視1870-1913年間英國、德國與美國的對外經濟政策，並運用最大相似系統設計研究法(most similar system design)比較美國與德國的對外經濟政策：兩國都具高度經濟成長，兩國都大幅改善軍事權力，兩國在這段時期也都具一定程度稱霸區域的野心，但因為對外經濟政策的發展，產生與英國之間不同的經濟關係，進而影響到霸權戰爭的發生。

Islamophobia in Poland: Mechanisms and Actors

title: Islamophobia in Poland: Mechanisms and Actors

The Picture of China in Poland: Divergent Values and Common Interests

title: The Picture of China in Poland: Divergent Values and Common Interests

China as a Responsible Stakeholder– a View from Poland

title: China as a Responsible Stakeholder– a View from Poland

Taiwan Cities’ Diplomacy: Human Security, Legal Competence and Power

title: Taiwan Cities’ Diplomacy: Human Security, Legal Competence and Power

Plenary Speech ‘Transcending Borders and Traversing Boundaries in Social Science & Humanities: Future Studies’ Perspective

title: Plenary Speech ‘Transcending Borders and Traversing Boundaries in Social Science & Humanities: Future Studies’ Perspective

Second Generation Politicians in Taiwan: The Analysis of 2014 City Councilors Election.

title: Second Generation Politicians in Taiwan: The Analysis of 2014 City Councilors Election.

EU’s policy towards Taiwan in the light of its China policy

title: EU’s policy towards Taiwan in the light of its China policy

European Union's values in its policies towards China and Taiwan: not such an “empty speech

title: European Union's values in its policies towards China and Taiwan: not such an “empty speech

Norms and Values in EU’s relations with China and Taiwan

title: Norms and Values in EU’s relations with China and Taiwan

Values and Policy Coordination in the EU Discussion on the Lifting of the EU Arms Embargo on China, 2003-2005

title: Values and Policy Coordination in the EU Discussion on the Lifting of the EU Arms Embargo on China, 2003-2005

The Program of Sinological Training in Poland after World War II - Towards the “New Sinology?

title: The Program of Sinological Training in Poland after World War II - Towards the “New Sinology?

Do Ordinary People Dislike Dynastic Politicians? Evidence from Taiwan.

title: Do Ordinary People Dislike Dynastic Politicians? Evidence from Taiwan.

Popular Perspective on Dynastic Politicians in Taiwan.

title: Popular Perspective on Dynastic Politicians in Taiwan.

Can the Polish plumber be a threat to the European Constitution?

title: Can the Polish plumber be a threat to the European Constitution?

The EU’s self-representation as a normative power and its relations with China – the old debate or the beginning of the new one?

title: The EU’s self-representation as a normative power and its relations with China – the old debate or the beginning of the new one?

China, India and Japan: The EU’s Strategic Partners through the Lenses of the European Parliament

title: China, India and Japan: The EU’s Strategic Partners through the Lenses of the European Parliament

轉型正義與民主價值

title: 轉型正義與民主價值

The EU's Promotion of Democracy with Respect to China: from Punishment to Soft Diplomacy

title: The EU's Promotion of Democracy with Respect to China: from Punishment to Soft Diplomacy

China's Raw Materials Diplomacy and Governance Cycle: Towards Sustainable Mining and Resource Extraction?

title: China's Raw Materials Diplomacy and Governance Cycle: Towards Sustainable Mining and Resource Extraction? abstract: China’s raw materials diplomacy and unregulated purchasing of minerals in Africa and Latin America, as well as its domestic raw materials export quota, have for years been eyed with suspicion by state and private actors. Industrialized countries want to uphold and extend free market access to raw materials, but also strengthen their political accountability and sustainability. However, critics argue that in contrast, China, the world’s largest metals and minerals trading power, has taken the opposite course, ignoring social and environmental standards, reinforcing authoritarian governments, and erecting trade barriers. China is faced with several interrelated challenges in its resource diplomacy and governance. This article claims that an identifiable, chronological connection and pattern has existed between China’s aid and investment diplomacy for resources since the late 1990s, free trade agreements since the 2000s, Beijing’s resource nationalism since the 2010s, and the reform process of national and privately organized transnational governance towards sustainability in the present day. Is China socializing with emerging transnational standards on mining and resource extraction in the developing world, and if so, why? This article argues that China’s raw materials governance, including corporate governance, has entered a phase of reform to pacify the external environment and to implement the Belt and Road Initiative. In theoretical terms, China’s raw materials governance will continue to emphasize neoliberal and neo-mercantilist goals, cushioned by globalist features.

China's Strategy and Political Gamesmanship in the Arctic Region

title: China's Strategy and Political Gamesmanship in the Arctic Region

China in the Eyes of Poles: the Construction of Identity in Press

title: China in the Eyes of Poles: the Construction of Identity in Press abstract: This paper presents findings from the analysis of the picture of China and Chinese in the selected Polish newspapers from 1st November 2016 till 30th April 2017. It answers the following questions: a) What is the significance and meaning of China promoted by Polish media? b) What does this perspective on China tell us about the self-image of the Poles? c) What policies towards China can this particular understanding of China enable, limit, justify or support? The methods and techniques for analysis are grounded in media research and discourse analysis supported with the NVivo - the Computer Assisted Qualitative Data Analysis Software. The data for analysis comes from the monitoring of the two daily and three weekly papers. This study fills the gap in the literature on the perception of this Asian country in Poland and, at the same time, reveals Polish identity versus China as the significant “Other”. It enriches not only the literature on relations between Poland and China and provides practical knowledge for the Polish decision makers but also contributes to the research on the perception of China in international relations as well as to the understanding of the mechanisms behind the news creation and consumption on China in Polish media. It is conducted within the framework of the two-year project about understanding of the image of China in Polish society and the relationship between this image and Warsaw’s policies towards Beijing.

中國崛起與東南亞區域金融治理

title: 中國崛起與東南亞區域金融治理

Electoral Competition between Indigenous and Han candidates

title: Electoral Competition between Indigenous and Han candidates

台灣「政二代」參選之初探研究

title: 台灣「政二代」參選之初探研究

學術民調機構「商業化」與商業民調機構「市場化」對臺灣民意調查產業發展的影響

title: 學術民調機構「商業化」與商業民調機構「市場化」對臺灣民意調查產業發展的影響

Perceptions of Political Outsiders in Taiwan

title: Perceptions of Political Outsiders in Taiwan abstract: Taiwan’s 2016 elections were victorious not only for the Democratic Progressive Party (Minzhu Jinbudang, DPP), and its front-runner Tsai Ing-wen, who was elected the President of the Republic of China. Another notable victory was that of Freddy Lim - front man of the metal band Chthonic and his not so long ago established (early 2015) New Power Party (Shidai Liliang, NPP). NPP has emerged as the third largest political party. If only with 5 out of 113 seats (4.4%) in the Taiwanese Legislative Yuan (Lifa Yuan), it was a great victory for the newcomer to the politics to come right after the two giants – the KMT (Chinese Nationalist Party, Kuomintang) and the DPP, reigning over the political stage of the island for the last decades. Popularly, success of such political novices is explained with reference to populist appeals. For example, the recent increasing dissatisfaction with politics as well as with the failure of the current parties to respond to pressing problems in the European Union and in the United States are identified as sources of the success of the populist newcomers to politics. Yet, those politicians who ride on a wave of public discontent with politics or with inability of the current governments to solve the serious social problems are not identical. They come from different political backgrounds, focus on various issues and propose multiple solutions to the social problems. Therefore, lumping together of various political phenomena blurs the differences between the component parts. As Robert Barr (2009: 29) noted, the category of the populist politician is often conflated in the literature with the anti-establishment politician or the political outsider. This article, therefore, turns to the phenomenon of the newcomers to politics (later referred to as outsiders, political outsiders, also abbreviated to POs or novices). It does not look at them through the prism of populist doctrine but leaves the theoretical classifications aside in order to inquire into the popular understanding and societal expectations held towards POs. It focuses on Taiwan, where the recent elections brought about the success of the newcomers to politics with their newly established parties.

Taiwan's Participation in Transnational Governance Mechanisms: The UNFCCC Paris Accord

title: Taiwan's Participation in Transnational Governance Mechanisms: The UNFCCC Paris Accord

China's Impact on the Raw Materials Diplomacy of the European Union: Competition or Coordination?

title: China's Impact on the Raw Materials Diplomacy of the European Union: Competition or Coordination?

The Institution of Political Succession and Financial Policy in China: The Way to Face China’s Financial Dilemma between 1996 and 2014

title: The Institution of Political Succession and Financial Policy in China: The Way to Face China’s Financial Dilemma between 1996 and 2014 abstract: According to the Unholy Trinity one country’s financial policy cannot satisfy simultaneously the goals of capital mobility, monetary policy autonomy, and exchange rate stability. Satisfying two in three goals is the most likely result. However, free circulation of capital has been treated as given under globalization. In other words, with the change in international financial structure Unholy Trinity has gradually become a financial dilemma between monetary policy autonomy and exchange rate stability. The prevailing view regarding financial policy in authoritarian regimes is that because authoritarian regimes suffer from credible commitment problems in the international financial market and attempt to avoid time-inconsistent problem, they tend to adopt fixed exchange rate policy to stabilize exchange rate. However, China made an opposite decision when facing this financial dilemma. In 2005 China withdrew the fixed exchange rate regime to U.S. dollar and shifted to the managed floating exchange rate regime instead. In addition, in 2007, 2012, and 2014, China released the variation of trade price of Renminbi to U.S. dollar, from 3‰ to 2%. These new financial policies indicate that China disparages exchange rate stability and emphasizes on monetary policy autonomy. With the policy mix model proposed by David Bearce this article analyzes China’s reaction to financial dilemma from the institutional impacts of the tenure system and the performance system on the policy-making of financial policy. The main argument is that the political succession institution creates an incentive for policymakers to choose monetary policy autonomy. In order to provide sufficient resources for leaders’ factional cadre members in provinces Chinese government needs more monetary policy autonomy. This reaction not only establishes factional cadre members’ political potential but also consolidates factional politics. With the data between 1994 and 2015 where China is in the process of institutionalization of political succession, we can observe the impacts of political succession institutions on the policy-making of financial policy.

Deeper and then Safer: The Two-level Game of the Chinese Renminbi in SDR

title: Deeper and then Safer: The Two-level Game of the Chinese Renminbi in SDR abstract: On November 31, 2015 International Monetary Fund (IMF) has announced that the Chinese renminbi has entered the IMF’s basket of currencies for the special drawing right (SDR), promoting the Chinese renminbi as one of the world’s leading currencies. The criteria of being the IMF’s basket of currencies regard the one’s trade quantum in the whole world and the liberalization of financial system. However, most scholars argue that China does not satisfy the second criterion. If so, why would IMF and the US like to support the renminbi in the SDR? This paper attempts to analyze the interactions among IMF, the US, and China with the two-level game framework. I argue that for the US, the renminbi in the SDR will pull China into international affairs and encourage appreciation, balancing trade deficits between the US and China; for IMF, the renminbi in the SDR can solve the insufficient problem in international currency in the short-run; for China, the renminbi in the SDR can increase financial influences over developing countries and moderate domestic inflation problem. When these conditions are ripe, the renminbi in the SDR is assured.